Liz, The pension records of John Mowry say that he only spent 3 month in Andersonville prision. He was moved to NE Ferry near Wilmington, North Carolina for the remainder of his imprisonment. It also states that while he was on the way from Camp Parole, Maryland to Camp Chase, Ohio, he was involved in a train wreck. He was seriously injured and spent a long time on crutches. This is new information I got. Leora ---------- > From: Liz Miller <emiller@erinet.com> > To: OHERIE-L@rootsweb.com > Subject: Mowry Family > Date: Friday, October 23, 1998 8:11 AM > > Hello Lisa, > > I have a Mowry in my family tree from Erie County. From a source in Erie > County, Lewis Cass Aldrich, History of Erie County OH, (1889), page 882. > There is a family history of a John P Mowry who married into my Miller > family. From that source here are some details to see if it is also your > John Mowry. I believe it is..... > > John Mowry has a farm in Oxford township. He began life in Oscar Township, > Erie County on Feb 17 1870. He is the son of John and Louise Leber Mowry. > The former was a naive of Switzerland and the latter of Nassau Germany. > John Mowry senior died 9 Nov 1907 in Seneca County OH. ALthough, I do not > believe he is buried there.... > During the war of the states he enlisted and was in prison for 9 months at > Andersonville Georgia. > His 6 children are: > Charles of Kimball OH > John P of Oxford > Louise, wife of Henry L Scheid of Oxford Township > Carrie, wife of Calude Livengood of Oxford Township > Adolph of Conneaut OH > and Edward now deseased. > His wife came of America when she was 19 and lived in Erie County for the > rest of her life. She was still living "in her 70th year" per the source. > > Hope this helps. There is another list member who is related via Carrie > Mowry. I am forwarding to her as well. > > > Regards, > > Liz Miller - Dayton, OH > emiller@erinet.com > > > ==== OHERIE Mailing List ==== > This list will also be my way to contact you directly with any updates, changes, and other news about this page. > > > > >

I would like to thank Maggie Zimmerman for the wealth of information she has provided on the Orphan Trains. Although I don't believe (at this time) it pertains to my searches, it reveals a period in our country's history of which I was totally unaware. Kudos to Maggie! W. Jean Atherton Vineyard

Hello Lisa, I have a Mowry in my family tree from Erie County. From a source in Erie County, Lewis Cass Aldrich, History of Erie County OH, (1889), page 882. There is a family history of a John P Mowry who married into my Miller family. From that source here are some details to see if it is also your John Mowry. I believe it is..... John Mowry has a farm in Oxford township. He began life in Oscar Township, Erie County on Feb 17 1870. He is the son of John and Louise Leber Mowry. The former was a naive of Switzerland and the latter of Nassau Germany. John Mowry senior died 9 Nov 1907 in Seneca County OH. ALthough, I do not believe he is buried there.... During the war of the states he enlisted and was in prison for 9 months at Andersonville Georgia. His 6 children are: Charles of Kimball OH John P of Oxford Louise, wife of Henry L Scheid of Oxford Township Carrie, wife of Calude Livengood of Oxford Township Adolph of Conneaut OH and Edward now deseased. His wife came of America when she was 19 and lived in Erie County for the rest of her life. She was still living "in her 70th year" per the source. Hope this helps. There is another list member who is related via Carrie Mowry. I am forwarding to her as well. Regards, Liz Miller - Dayton, OH emiller@erinet.com

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 22-Oct-98 22:12 Subject: [SurHelper-L] Surname Helper temporarily unavailable ------------------------------------------------------------------ The main functions of Surname Helper have been temporarily disabled because the increased usage of Surname Helper was putting too much stress on Rootsweb. These routines are currently being rewritten by Randy Winch in a more efficient language. Once the new routines are tested and ready, these functions will be re-enabled. Patty Patty Lindsay Beavercreek (Dayton), Ohio plindsay@infinet.com Assistant State Coordinator, OHGenWeb http://www.rootsweb.com/~cchelper/ - CCHelper http://cgi.rootsweb.com/surhelp/ - Surname Helper http://www.gendex.com/users/plindsay/ - My Genealogy http://www.rootsweb.com/~ohgreene/ - Greene Co Ohio http://www.infinet.com/~plindsay/ - Cincinnati Branch RSCDS List owner for OHGREENE-L, DE-OLDSWEDES-L, CCHelper-L, and CCHelper-announce-L !^NavFont02F03880007NGHHJ8A676E

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 22-Oct-98 18:29 Subject: Fwd: Fw: Mowry Family ------------------------------------------------------------------ I read your query you wrote to rootsweb: I have two Mowry's in my family tree and they are both from Erie County. Louise Mowry who married a Scheid and I believe her father was John Mowry. I don't have everything in front of me right now to give you dates but I will look them up when I get off line. Give me more information on your Mowry's and I will try to help you as best as I can. I have lots of info regarding Scheids whom were big time farmers from the area - still are- Let me know Lisa Brooke433@aol.com !^NavFont02F025C0007NGHHI5EA294

Leora In your msg to Jon, you referred to Oxford County and Seneca County. (I assume both in Ohio). There is no Oxford County in Ohio. We do have an Oxford Township in Erie County though. Is that what you mean? Carol

Carol: As improbable as it may seem, there are two Leora's on Erie webpage. I think you want Leora F. I must admit I find this very amusing as Leora is such a unique name! Leora S. ---------- > From: Carol A. Steele <Steele@lrbcg.com> > To: OHERIE-L@rootsweb.com > Subject: Re: Fw: Mowry Family > Date: Thursday, October 22, 1998 8:41 PM > > Leora > In your msg to Jon, you referred to Oxford County and Seneca > County. (I assume both in Ohio). There is no Oxford County in Ohio. We > do have an Oxford Township in Erie County though. Is that what you mean? > Carol > > > ==== OHERIE Mailing List ==== > This list will also be my way to contact you directly with any updates, changes, and other news about this page. > > > >

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 21-Oct-98 8:01 Subject: Miami Valley Genealogy Index ------------------------------------------------------------------ The Miami Valley Genealogy Index is back on-line operating on a new hard drive! The hard drive it was on went sour <g>. Thanks to Doug Montgomery for the quick replacement! It may be accessed from <http://www.tdn-net.com/genealogy> then click on "Miami Valley Genealogy Index" I will be updating it's contents in another month. Will be adding an all name Index for the 1880 History of Miami County, as well as more census records from Preble County and additional cemetery records from Shelby County, and other odds and ends. Joe ==== OHMIAMI Mailing List ==== !^NavFont02F029B0007NGHHI9C8ABD

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 20-Oct-98 16:48 Subject: Mowry Family ------------------------------------------------------------------ Jon, I am looking for Johann ( John Mowry ) Maurer's father. They came from Adliswil,Switzerland in the year 1855. They lived in Oxford County and Seneca County. They were farmers. I have alot of information on John and the rest of the family. I just can't find out who his father and mother was. My cousin and I have been searching now for five months with no luck. Leora <4fergie@gte.net> !^NavFont02F01FB0007NGHHHFC8817

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 19-Oct-98 16:35 Subject: Re: MVGI Access From: Joe Bosserman joe.boss@erinet.com ------------------------------------------------------------------ At 02:02 PM 10/19/98 -0400, you wrote: >Joe, >Just wanted to let you know that since 5:00am the index >has been giving me a time out error. > Hi Maggie The computer that it is mounted on crossed over the bridge. It may be down several days. Let people on list-servers know! Doug Montgomery is working on it (in the library) as we speak! May have to remount whole thing on a new computer. This is not an easy chore! Very time consuming! I have not checked lately, but the on-line copy at the Ohio Genealogy Society should be working, but in order to use it the person must be a member of OGS. Joe Bosserman joe.boss@erinet.com !^NavFont02F02DE0007NGHHIE0ABAE

Date: Mon, 19 Oct 1998 11:18:20 -0400 To: Fldollfin@aol.com From: Susan Ryan <sryan@stetson.edu> Copyright 1994 The Times-Picayune Publishing Co. The Times-Picayune May 8, 1994 Sunday, THIRD SECTION: NATIONAL; Pg. A18 LENGTH: 1885 words HEADLINE: TRAUMA CREATED KINSHIP FOR ORPHAN TRAIN RIDERS BYLINE: By KAREN M. THOMAS Dallas Morning News BODY: Lee Nailling remembers at age 9 being excited by the train ride. And then he remembers the horrifying moment when he realized that he and his two brothers were to be separated. Clara Morgan, a 7-year-old girl near the turn of the century, cannot remember getting on the train. She remembers the train arriving in Kansas and being lined up for inspection. And she remembers watching each of her two brothers chosen by new parents. She was not. Marion Strittmatter remembers nothing. All she knows is that when she was 3, the Tchoepe family of 14 met her at the end of her train journey in Skidmore, Okla. They are the orphan train riders, children who long ago found themselves made homeless by hard times, sickly parents or by those who simply gave them away. In Louisiana, Oklahoma, Texas, Kansas, Arkansas and other states, the youngsters, who historians call America's early foster children, buried their memories. Few wanted to talk about the day when they realized they were forever distanced from their biological families. For almost a decade, though, that silence has been broken. Each year, the surviving orphan train riders have gathered in several states for reunions. "I want to go," Strittmatter said before an April reunion in Waxahachie, Texas. "Just to see the rest of them again, the rest of the train riders. It means a lot to me." Orphan train riders filled New York orphanages and city streets until the Children's Aid Society and the New York Foundling Hospital began placing the children on trains in 1854 for the rural West. *** Children lived on streets *** "At the time, children were living in alleyways, in slums, and the orphanages were overfilled," said Victor Remer, archivist for the Children's Aid Society. "The secretary of the society conceived of the notion of placing the children in the West to remove them from the terrible environs of the city. In terms of what we know today, it is not the best way. But from what we knew then, it was a very good idea." For the next 75 years, more than 150,000 youngsters were told that in the West, new families would take them into their hearts and homes. The rides ended when the federal government enacted child welfare reforms in 1929. "It was extremely traumatic," said Mary Ellen Johnson, executive director of the Orphan Train Riders Research Center in Springdale, Ark. "In a city like New York, a port city, a lot of men worked on ships. When their wives got sick or died, there was nobody to take care of the children. "Newly arrived young couples to America, when they had problems, they had nobody to lean on. Some sent children to orphanages and paid weekly fees. But if the fees stopped, the children became wards of the state and were placed on the trains." At the reunions, adult children come to collect the history of their parents' lives. Those in the child welfare business come to see if there are lessons to be learned from the country's first documented child placement system. The orphans themselves come to tell the stories that they once kept secret. And they come to spend time with those who have similar histories. What they cannot remember does not matter. The tracks that carried them away from the only homes and families they had known have created a lasting kinship. "We try to make as many (reunions) as we can," Nailling, of Atlanta, Texas, said of himself and his wife. Another train rider, George Meason of Odessa, Texas, told Nailling, "we are all brothers and sisters," Nailling said. The two men have become friends since meeting at a reunion. *** Few left to tell the tale *** Few survivors are left to tell their tales. About 500 are scattered throughout the United States. Nailling is now 77. Morgan is 92, and Strittmatter, of Fort Worth, Texas, is 72. That is why the research center has been recording the riders' stories, told in their own words, in four volumes. "I feel like we're going to lose that firsthand knowledge in the next 20 years," Johnson said. "The youngest survivor I know is 67, but the majority are in their late 70s and mid-80s." Children arrived in rural towns and were selected by new families in two different ways. The Children's Aid Society sent out bulletins to towns and communities it thought would be interested in taking the children. When the train pulled in, 20 to 200 children would file off and line up for inspection. If the heads of a family saw a child they wanted, they signed a contract and took the child home. But not everyone was looking for a child to love. Some wanted free labor, and the children, who were indentured and not adopted, were treated cruelly, Johnson said. "We would stop in towns, and they would examine us, feel our muscles and question us," Nailling said. "It's like you take a cow to a sale barn. Some man grabbed ahold of my cheeks and ran his hand through my mouth. It made you bitter. I had no respect for anybody who came up to me to feel my muscles." *** Brothers are separated *** Nailling, separated from his two brothers, was taken first by a couple near Paris, Texas, who had nine grown children and wanted help around their farm. His brothers were taken by families about 20 or 30 miles away. One day in April, he opened the chicken coop and the birds died in the wet weather. A week later, a car came to take him to another home. He eventually was raised by the Naillings, a strict, religious couple who he said loved him and called him "son." He also managed to maintain contact with his brothers and eventually was reunited with other family members. In some cases, priests and ministers asked their congregations if they would be willing to raise an orphan. The clergy would decide whether a family was suitable for a child. The family sometimes would make requests as well. Blond-haired, blue-eyed little girls were easily placed. Darker-skinned, brown-eyed, older children had a harder time, according to Johnson. Both the children and their new families would receive a number. When the children arrived, the parents simply matched their number with a child's and took him or her home. Each year, agents of the hospital or the society would make unexpected visits to make sure the children were being treated fairly. Despite such efforts, some children were sexually abused and otherwise mistreated, according to experts who have studied the riders. Others tell only of wonderful families who raised them well. "The only thing I know about my mother is that she took me to the Foundling Hospital when I was 18 months old. She was 24. She gave a religious preference, and that was all. There was never a reason why," Strittmatter said. "I have always kind of thought she must have had (a) reason. I thought it was something serious," she said. "What really held me together is that I had her name. I was named after her, and I always thought my mother loved me." *** Some new families kind *** When Strittmatter arrived in Skidmore, the Tchoepe family met the train and took her to the family farm in Orange Grove. The family had 12 children, several of whom already were grown and had left home. The family, she said, encouraged her to retain her original name, Marion Leonard, in case her relatives ever tried to find her. When she turned 18, Strittmatter tried to find her mother. She tried again four years ago. She has never learned more than her name and age. "They were good to me," she said of the Tchoepe family. "They taught me how to love, and they taught me how to work hard and get along with other people. When I had my own family, it wasn't such a chore," said Strittmatter, who has nine children. Other orphan train riders learned to fend for younger siblings at an early age. In 1908, Morgan, then Clara Reed, lived with her parents and brothers in Pillar Point, N.Y. Her parents decided to take a herd of cattle across what they thought was a well-frozen Lake Ontario. The ice broke, and both parents jumped into the icy water trying to save the cattle. Her father died first, of pneumonia. Her mother fell sick, too, and made arrangements for the children to go to the Children's Aid Society when she realized she was dying. After a year at the orphanage, Morgan was told that she and a 5-year-old brother, Jimmy, would be placed on a train for new homes in the West. She was told that the baby, Howard, who was then 3, was too young to travel. Morgan refused to go without her baby brother. The society relented and placed the three children on board together. "The three of us had never been separated, and that worried me more than anything else," said Morgan, of Bedford, Texas. *** Lined up for inspection *** When the train arrived in Belleville, Kan., the children lined up. Howard was taken by a childless couple who owned a farm on the outskirts of town. Jimmy was taken by a man and his family who owned a Belleville hotel. Morgan stood with a big bow in her hair, waiting. Eventually, the Howells, the couple who took Howard, took Clara to help care for the young boy. Three years later, she was adopted by a Presbyterian minister and his wife. The three children grew up in close contact with each other. While the orphans long ago accepted their traumatic childhoods and have gone on to have their own families, many still search for the families they once had. At the reunions each year, survivors trade search methods, discussing what worked and what didn't. They want to know why their parents gave them up, and they want to know if they have brothers and sisters they never knew existed. "I always wondered all my life about my family," Nailling said. He said he remembers his father coming to the train when he and his brothers left for the West. His younger brother said his father cried. And he handed young Nailling a pink envelope with his address that he wanted the boy to mail so he would know where his sons were. Nailling placed the envelope in his coat pocket and fell asleep on the train. When he woke up, the envelope was gone. "My brother and I got down on the floor and looked for it. One of the caretakers came by and asked what we were doing. I told her we were searching for an envelope. She said there would be no need for that where I was going and to get back into my seat. That is the first time I knew I was losing my family," he said. *** Still finding his family *** In 1984, Nailling discovered the existence of a brother who had died. The notice of his death found its way to Nailling and led to the discovery of another brother in Florida. Soon, another brother popped up in New York. There were nine children in all. Soon after, several of the siblings traveled to Atlanta for a reunion. "You get a feeling, and you talk on the telephone," Nailling said about that first meeting. "You are standing in the yard, and here comes the car in the driveway. The chill bumps are all over you. It was a hard feeling when they came up in the yard." These days, Nailling, a retired grocery store manager, makes as many orphan train rider reunions as he can. And he speaks often with his brothers, making sure to never again lose the family from which he was wrenched away. GRAPHIC: Lee Nailing of Atlanta, Texas, remembers the orphan train. Nailing was one of the orphans who was excited about the ride until he found out he would be separated from his brothers. Clara Morgan, 92, holds a picture of herself and her brothers taken when they were orphan children making the train trip west. 2 KRT PHOTO LANGUAGE: ENGLISH LOAD-DATE: May 10, 1994 Copyright 1998 LEXIS=AE-NEXIS=AE, a division of ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ Susan M. Ryan Associate Director for Public Services Campus Unit 8418 duPont-Ball Library Stetson University DeLand, FL 32720 (904) 822-7185 (904) 822-7199 (fax) sryan@stetson.edu

Conclusion Some recent observers have noted similarities between the social problems of Brace's day and the current problems of urban America, which are resulting in an increasing reliance on out-of-home care [Cordasco 1971; Lindemann 1990; Mangolin 1978; National Child Welfare Resource Center 1991; Patrick et al. 1990]. Hartman [1990] identifies several problems, including those of an escalating number of low-income and/or homeless families and children, children damaged by alcohol and other drugs, and HIV-affected families. Cordasco [1971], Lindemann [1990], Mangolin [1978], and Patrick et al. [1990] suggest that some past strategies may have implications for contemporary urban poverty and child welfare concerns, including Brace's pragmatic philosophy of reducing poverty through education, work, and change of environment. For example, one recent controversial proposal concerning diminishing adoptive and out-of-home care resources would reestablish an orphanage system in which a child's placement in institutional care would be permanent, regardless of the child's age at the time of placement [Ford & Kroll 1990; Research on effects of orphanages. . . 1990; Shaffer 1990; Stark 1990]. Another proposal surfaced during a 1991 child welfare teleconference on orphan trains held by the National Child Welfare Resource Center [1991]. One participant commented on the likely increase in the number of children worldwide who would be orphaned by AIDS. He suggested that the time might be right to initiate a modernized orphan train placement system for children. Others conclude that current beliefs about poverty and some strategies to address it are not far removed from those of Brace's time. They have noted that the removal of children from mothers deemed to be neglectful or negligent and the existence of modern day orphan planes used to transport children from impoverished families in other countries to the United States for adoption are similar to the historic models [Kitterson 1968; Stansell 1982; Wexler 1990]. The past can be a vital resource by enabling us to measure change, generate policy options, and select policy for the future in light of the context of environment and time period [Mandilbaum 1977]. Historical study gives us a cultural context, including values and beliefs, on which past policies were based [King & Sterns 1981]. In view of current proposals for return to historical arrangements, an examination of these strategies may be particularly critical. As Abbott [1938: vii] pointed out, "For an understanding of our present situation and how the obstacles to progress may be overcome, it is necessary to know the road we have traveled, the wrong turns that have been made because objectives were not clearly defined and because of fear to try a new road even when it was clear that the old one was only a cul-de-sac." References Abbott, G. (1938). The child and the state: Legal status in the family, apprenticeship, and child labor (Vol. 1). Chicago University of Chicago Press. Addams, J. (1910). Twenty years at Hull House. New York: The McMillan Company. An early adventure in child-placing: Charles Loring Brace. (1929). Social Services Review, 3, 75-97. Ashby, L. (1984). Saving the waifs: Reformers and dependent children, 1890-1917. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Bellingham, B. (1986). Institution and family: An alternative view of nineteenth-century child saving. Social Problems, 33(6), S33-S53. Bellingham, B. W. (1984). Little wanderers: A socio-historical study of the nineteenth century origins of child fostering and adoption reform, based on early records of the New York Children's Aid Society (Doctoral dissertation, University of Pennsylvania). Brace, C. L. (1880). The dangerous classes of New York, and twenty years' work among them. (3rd ed). New York: Wynkoop & Hallenbeck. Brace, E. (Ed.). (1894). The life of Charles Loring Brace. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. Bremner, R. H. (1970). (Ed.). Children and youth in America: A documentary history (Vol. I: 1600-1865). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Bremner, R. H. (1971). (Ed.). Children and youth in America: A documentary history (Vol. II: 1866-1932). Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brophy, A. B. (1972). Foundlings on the frontier. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press. Children's Aid Society. (1893). The Children's Aid Society of New York: Its history, plans, and results. In National Conference of Charities and Corrections (Eds.), History of child saving in the United States (pp. 1-36). Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith (1971 reprint edition). Children's Aid Society: The record of a year of its good work. (1890, November 26). The New York Times, p. 9. Cordasco, F. (1971). Charles Loring Brace and the dangerous classes: Historical analogies of the urban black poor. The Kansas Journal of Sociology, 7 (3, 4), 142-147. Costin, L. B. (1983). Two sisters for social justice: A biography of Grace and Edith Abbott. Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Crime and charity among the children. (1861, October 11). The New York Times, p. 5. Downs, S. W., & Sherraden, M. W. (1983). The orphan asylum in the nineteenth century. Social Service Review, 57, 272-290. Ecks, J. A. (1984). Understanding the New York system of foster child care: A sociological interpretation (Doctoral dissertation, Rutgers University). Folks, H. (1902). The care of destitute, neglected and dependent children. New York: The Macmillan Company. Ford, M., & Kroll, J. (1990). Challenges to child welfare: Countering the call for a return to orphanages. St. Paul, MN: The North American Council on Adoptable Children. Fry, A. P. (1974). The children's migration. American Heritage, 26(1), 4-10, 79-81. Hartman, A. (1990). Children in a careless society. Social Work, 35, 483-484. Hays, S. P. (1957). The shock of change. In F. R. Bruel & A. D. Wade (Eds.), Readings in the history of social welfare policy and services (pp. 94-100). Chicago: The University of Chicago. Heale, M. J. (1976a). Patterns of benevolence: Associated philanthropy in the cities of New York, ]830-1860. New York History, 57(1), 53-79. Heale, M. J. (1976b). From city fathers to social critics: Humanitarians and government in New York, 1790-1860. The Journal of American History, 63(1), 21-41. Holt, M. I. (1992). The orphan trains: Placing-out in America. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. Homeless children. (1859, March 5). The New York Times, p. 2. King, G. B., & Stems, P. N. (1981). The retirement experience as a policy factor. Journal of Social History, 14, 589-625. Kitterson, R. H. (1968). Orphan voyage. New York: Vintage Press. Langsam, M. Z. (1964). Children west: A history of the placing-out system of the New York Children's Aid Society, 1853-1890. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin. Letchworth, W. P. (1893). The history of child-saving work in the state of New York. In National Conference of Charities and Corrections (Eds.), History of child saving in the United States. (pp. 154-203). Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith (1971 reprint edition). Lindemann, H. (1990, December 15). Farms for the homeless. The New York Times, p. 26. Mandilbaum, S. (1977). The past in service to the future. Journal of Social History, 11, 193-205. Mangolin, C. R. (1978). Salvation versus liberation: The movement for children's rights in a historical context. Social Problems, 25, 441-452. Minton, S. E. (1893). Family life versus institutional life. In National Conference of Charities and Corrections (Eds.), History of child saving in the United States. (pp. 37-53). Montclair, NJ: Patterson Smith (1971 reprint edition). National Child Welfare Resource Center. (1991, April 9). Orphan trains (Teleconference). Portland, ME: University of Southern Maine. Nelson, K. E. (1987, December). Charles Loring Brace: His life up to the rounding of the New York Children's Aid Society. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Historical Association, Social Welfare History Group, Washington, DC. Nelson, K. E. (1980). The best asylum: Charles Loring Brace and foster family care (Doctoral dissertation, University of California Berkeley). Nelson, K. E. (1985). Child placing in the nineteenth century: New York and Iowa. Social Service Review, 59(1), 107-120. New York child saving: Many serious problems are necessarily involved. (1895, May 26). The New York Times, p 16. Our city charities: The Children's Aid Society. (1860, April 7). The New York Times, p. 2. Patrick, M., Sheets, E., & Trickel, E. (1990). We are a part of history: The story of the orphan trains. Santa Fe, NM: The Lightning Tree. Research on effects of orphanages available. (1990, Fall). Adoptalk, 1, 12. Riis, J. A. (1894, January). A Christmas reminder of the noblest work in the world. Forum, 624-633. Shaffer, D. (1990, September 4). Group considers opening orphanage-type homes. Saint Paul Pioneer Press, pp. 1A, 8A. Stansell, C. (1982). Women, children, and the uses of the streets: Class and gender conflict in New York City, 1850-1860. Feminist Studies, 8, 309-335. Stark, R. H. (1990, Spring). A return to the orphanages is a step backwards. Caring, 7, 16. Takanishi, R. (1978). Childhood as a social issue: Historical roots of contemporary child advocacy movements. Journal of Social issues, 34(2), 8-28. The Children's Aid Society. (1902, December 19). The New York Times, p. 8. Thurston, H. W. (1930). The dependent child. New York: Columbia University Press. Vagrancy among children. (1881, July 17). The New York Times, p. 6. Warner, A. G. (1908). American charities (3rd Ed.). New York: Thomas Y. Crowell. Wexler, R. (1990, December 15). Misguided 'orphan trains' idea rolls on. The New York Times, p. 26. Wheeler, L. (1983). The orphan trains. American History Illustrated, 18(8), 10-23. Wohl, R. R. (1969). The country boy myth and its place in American urban culture: The nineteenth century contribution. Perspectives in American History, 3, 77-156. Young, P. J., & Marks, F. E. (1990). Tears on Paper: Orphan train history. Springdale, AR: Just Us Printers, Inc. Zietz, D. (1959). Child welfare: Principles and methods. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. ~~~~~~~~ By Jeanne F. Cook Jeanne F. Cook, Ph.D., LISW, is Policy Specialist, South Carolina Department of Social Services, Columbia, SC, and Part-Time Instructor, College of Social Work, University of South Carolina. [Go To Citation] Copyright of Child Welfare is the property of Child Welfare League of America and its content may not be copied without the copyright holder's express written permission except for the print or download capabilities of the retrieval software used for access. This content is intended solely for the use of the individual user. Source: Child Welfare, Jan/Feb95, Vol. 74 Issue 1, p181, 17p. Item Number: 9501127683 ++++++++++++++++++++++++ Susan M. Ryan Associate Director for Public Services Campus Unit 8418 duPont-Ball Library Stetson University DeLand, FL 32720 (904) 822-7185 (904) 822-7199 (fax) sryan@stetson.edu

Public Perceptions The community's understanding of the placing-out strategy and other CAS programs can be derived from the print media. From 1853 to the 1920s, much media attention was given to the circumstances of impoverished children in the city and the inadequacies of their parents. Descriptions of these children appeared to solicit public responses of pity and fear. For example, in "Homeless children" [1859] these children were described as born "into sin and poverty"; were identified with "tears, rage, dirt, and cruelty" during their formative years; and were likely to become "ulcers of society" unless intervention occurred. Impoverished parents of these same children were generally presented in the press as unsympathetic characters who constituted "a class from which spring mainly the great tides of wretchedness and crime." Parents were seen as the source of their children's entry into criminality; the parents encouraged the children to contribute to the family's income by engaging in "semi-vagrant occupations" [Vagrancy among children 1881], such as selling newspapers or gathering rags and bones, or in small crimes such as stealing or begging [Our city charities 1860; Crime and charity. . . 1861]. The New York press also provided coverage of the organization, including articles that singled out the CAS placing-out program because it was accomplished "without expense to the public" [Children's Aid Society 1890] and had produced "the ripest fruits of the society's labors" [The Children's Aid Society 1902: 8]. As further evidence of the success of CAS, the press reported that "very few lapses into criminal life" were known among the children who had been placed-out [New York child saving 1895]. The Demise of the Placing-Out Program By the latter part of the 1800s, placing-out supporters such as Jacob Riis [1894: 624, 625] acknowledged the contribution of the environment to the human problems of the poor. Riis pointed out that environmental conditions, the "influences and instincts of tenement life" and "the evil forces of the slums" contributed to poverty. Despite this recognition, both Riis and C. Loring Brace, the son of CAS's founder, concluded that saving the children by relocation was the most effective solution [New York child saving 1895]. The emigration program peaked in 1875 and began a steady decline, then ended in 1930 [Young & Marks 1990]. At the end, Social Services Review offered a complimentary description of the vision behind the program and the difficult times in which it had been carried out [An early adventure 1929: 75, 77, 78]. An editorial reminded readers to keep in mind "the condition of the dependent and neglected children of New York City in the days when there was almost no social work, public or private, in their behalf" and "no juvenile court to protect such a child." The editorial went on to identify Brace as "a great pioneer who had courage and faith, enthusiasm and tireless energy." Reasons cited by some authors for the demise of the program included the initiation of new ways of coping with industrialization, the recognition of environmental factors as causes for some social problems, and the reforms of the Progressive Era, including compulsory school attendance and child labor laws. Another relevant development was the emergence of social work as a profession, which focused on new methods for working with impoverished children and families. Social workers promoted new and revised strategies, including publicly funded aid to mother-headed families to prevent the need for out-of-home care; the development of in-state family foster home programs; the promotion of temporary rather than permanent out-of-home care whenever possible; a more comprehensive approach to regulating agencies and monitoring out-of-home care resources; and the redesign of orphanages, using homelike cottages rather than large dormitories [Addams 1910; Ashby 1984; Bremner 1971; Costin 1983; Fry 1974; Hays 1957; Heale 1976b; Langsam 1964; Mangolin 1978; Minton 1893; Patrick et al. 1990; Stansell 1982; Takanishi 1978; Thurston 1930; Wheeler 1983; Wohl 1969; Young & Marks 1990]. By 1875, several states had passed laws limiting child immigration. Michigan first limited interstate placements of children in 1875 and in 1895 required the child's home state to post a bond, according to Langsam [1964]. In 1899, similar requirements were passed in Indiana, Illinois, and Minnesota. A 1901 Missouri law required that the home state's Board of Charities guarantee that the child was free from communicable or incurable diseases and was neither "vicious" nor mentally handicapped. Missouri also required that the sending state reclaim any child who became a ward of the state within five years of placement [Patrick et al. 1990]. Appraisal of the Orphan Train Approach The effectiveness and appropriateness of placing-out as a plan for orphaned, homeless, and dependent children were widely debated during the last half of the nineteenth century. Since CAS had the largest and best known emigration program, much of the praise and criticism was directed at CAS and at Charles Loring Brace. One of the earliest charges was the accusation from Catholics that the intent of the emigration program was the conversion of Catholic children to Protestantism. Critics alleged that this was being accomplished by placing Irish immigrant children with non-Catholic families. Other accusations were that children were being sold into slavery and that brothers and sisters, separated in placement and given the surnames of their foster parents, could meet as adults and marry without knowing they were related. Some critics charged that CAS was ridding New York City of its criminal-minded and otherwise undesirable children by sending them to unsuspecting midwestern families. Others argued that New York City was being deprived of future solid citizens because the best immigrant children were the ones who were being placed-out: [Ashby 1984; Brophy 1972; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Wheeler 1983; Young & Marks 1990]. The process of screening potential families in receiving states was also criticized because of the possible hesitancy by local screening committees to deny approval to their neighbors. It was alleged that children were sometimes placed with families who abused or neglected them, or overworked them or evicted them. It was also said that bad situations went unnoticed by CAS agents, who made inadequate or infrequent follow-up contacts [Ashby 1984; Folks 1902; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Thurston 1930; Warner 1908; Wheeler 1983; Whol 1969; Young & Marks 1990]. Brace [1880] took the lead in defense of the emigration program. He denied charges of slavery and anti-Catholicism. He swore that both Catholics and Protestants served on the local selection committees and that children were offered homes by families of all religious faiths. He further reminded critics that older children were free to leave any placement they found unsatisfactory, since the emigration program was not indenture. Likewise, a family could request removal of any child who was deemed inappropriate. He also evaluated the accuracy of allegations of child abuse and neglect by families and of children's criminal activities. Though he reported that there was little evidence to support either concern, CAS did take steps to decrease the possibility that children would be mistreated. For example, several agents were permanently assigned to western states [Brace 1880; Brace 1894; Children's Aid Society 1893; Langsam 1964; Patrick et al. 1990; Thurston 1930; Young & Marks 1990; Warner 1908]. At the 1893 National Conference of Charities and Corrections, CAS reported that of the 84,318 children placed between 1853 and 1893, 85% had been placed successfully. Success was defined in terms of children who remained in foster homes and were not either returned to New York or placed locally in a correctional facility or orphanage. According to Thurston [1930], a similar study on placement outcomes conducted at 10-year periods between 1865 and 1905 was completed by George G. Ralph of the New York School of Social Work in 1923. The study found an increase in favorable results, that is, children who remained in placement, from the starting year to the end of the study period, but the study also noted unfavorable results for 38% of the boys and 20% of the girls by 1905. Several retrospective studies have evaluated aspects of the emigration program strategy. Nelson [1980] concluded that Brace's plan grew from aroused public concern, had proven to be more economical than institutional care, and was the predecessor of modern family foster care. In a follow-up study, Nelson [1985] found that there was little evidence to support the belief that in-state placements were superior to the interstate placing-out program of CAS. Bellingham's [1984] study concluded that placements through CAS were generally intended to aid family economic circumstances by providing substitute caregiving or to serve as an entry into the labor force for an older child. In a later analysis of the same data, Bellingham [1986] found that (1) placements and custody transfers were initiated voluntarily with parental approval to help parents cope with structural life problems or to help older youths in transition to adulthood, and (2) placements were based on utility rather than on imposed designs of social control. Research by Ecks [1984] suggested that the arrangement for a purchase-of-service approach to out-of-home care was based on insistence within ethnic communities on family input into the religious beliefs to which foster children were exposed and the public's conviction that government officials were not the best source for determining children's values. An analysis by Holt [1992] concluded that "placing-out and the people it involved reflect the complexities of American life and growth" [p. 184], including America's expansion and the corresponding need for adequate labor to support western growth. According to Holt, the end of the placing-out program was also influenced by changes in American life, including early twentieth century social reforms, the development of social welfare theories that led to a holistic approach to serving children and families, the establishment of specialized training for working with the poor, and changes in rural regions that increased populations and decreased the need for imported labor. The credibility of some criticisms of the placing-out program also has been confirmed, particularly in light of more currentchild welfare thinking. Research has indicated that sometimes siblings were separated for placement, some children were abused or neglected, approximately as many children were placed whose families were poor as children who were orphans or homeless, and some children were permanently removed from their biological families when a temporary separation would have sufficed [Langsam 1964; Patrick et al. 1990; Thurston 1930; Young & Marks 1990]. The present author conducted indepth interviews with 25 individuals who had been placed by CAS or the New York Foundling Home during the latter decades of the placing-out program. Some of the findings have been identical to those noted by other researchers, including sibling separation, family poverty as a principal factor in some placements, and permanent removal from biological families in some situations in which temporary placement could have resolved the problems in the home. In addition, some participants in this study expressed concern over the quality of their placements, the lack of contact with their siblings after placement, prejudice in the communities in which some placements were made, and the failure of placement agencies to monitor some placements as promised. Some interviewees described circumstances in which they were treated by their adoptive or foster families as unpaid workers, more like slaves than family members. Despite the identified flaws in the placing-out program, however, Charles Loring Brace can be acknowledged as a pioneer who realized that the charitable services of his time were insufficient to deal with the social problems of a rapidly changing society. Latter-day evaluators generally have concluded that the program was the forerunner of modern practices in child welfare, was well-intentioned, and can be understood best within the context of the times and environment in which the program operated [Ashby 1984; Heale 1976a; Holt 1992; Kitterson 1968; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Wohl 1969; Young & Marks 1990].

Date: Mon, 19 Oct 1998 11:15:53 -0400 To: Fldollfin@aol.com From: Susan Ryan <sryan@stetson.edu> At 12:40 AM 10/19/98 EDT, you wrote: Hi Susan, Would your library have any information on so called " Orphan Trains" in the 1880's? I am told they ran into Ohio from FL. and that my grandmother must have been on one and been adopted as her death cert says she was born in Sanford Fl. Any help as to where I could find this information would be appreciated. As is I have two volumes " Decendants of Thomas Sanford" 1911 by Carlton Sanford which list her father Rolland A. Sanford. By the way, the Henry Sanford , for whom the town of Sanford Fl. is in there too. Carol Gilliland 3639 Belle Vista Dr. E. St. Pete Beach, FL. 33706 (813) 360-7189 ++++++++++++++++++++++++ Magazine: Child Welfare, January, 1995 A HISTORY OF PLACING-OUT: THE ORPHAN TRAINS Between 1854 and 1930, the placing-out or orphan train strategy, considered to be the forerunner of modern family foster care, relocated approximately 150,000 children and youths from the city of New York to families in the Midwest. The program was designed to give children who were orphaned or from impoverished urban families an opportunity to live with rural families to increase their chances to become productive citizens as adults. This article summarizes the implementation of placing-out, including contributing social conditions, the underlying philosophy, the basic components, and professional and public perceptions. Implications of the orphan trains for current child welfare policies and practice are considered. One of the central issues of poverty with which American society has struggled involves assisting people who are poor without making those people indefinitely dependent on public support. Traditionally, providing assistance to individuals whose poverty was due to circumstances beyond their control has encountered less resistance than helping other groups of people. Though children generally have been categorized as "deserving," the motivation for providing assistance to them has not always appeared to reflect that sentiment. This article examines the development, implementation, and discontinuance of placing-out programs for poor children from New York City. These programs, operated between 1853 and 1930, placed approximately 150,000 children with families for family foster care and adoption. Placing-Out: The Orphan Train Strategy In the mid-nineteenth century, Charles Loring Brace [1880] and the Children's Aid Society (CAS) [1893] argued that the agency's programs would fill an existing gap in services by providing for children for whom there was no room in orphanages and those for whom an orphanage was inappropriate. Brace and CAS also argued that institutional care did not prepare children for life in the community, and that most children did not want to go to orphanages. Orphanages were criticized for their selective admission policies, generally made on the basis of race/ethnicity and religion; their use of harsh discipline systems; their administrative freedom to discharge children arbitrarily; their overcrowding; their inability to accommodate the growing number of children in need of care as a result of immigration and the Civil War; and the disproportionate number of immigrant children in placement [Bremner 1970; Downs & Sherraden 1983; Kitterson 1968; Letchworth 1893]. Despite the diversity of services offered by CAS, the placing-out system is the one program for which the agency and Brace are most often remembered, credited, and criticized. This was the most ambitious and controversial program undertaken by CAS. Although the concept of placing children with families to whom the children were not related originated neither with CAS nor in the United States, the agency's placing-out system was significant in several ways. It was the first extensive and systematic placing-out program initiated by a charitable organization [Wheeler 1983]. In addition, the program differed from the indenture system in which children were legally apprenticed to families and paid for their work. One policy of the CAS program was that the agency or the biological parents would retain custody of any child placed unless adoption was requested by the foster parents and legal requirements for adoption were met. Another important distinction from indenture was the program's emphasis on finding families for children as opposed to the employment arrangements common to indenture programs [Brace 1880; Children's Aid Society 1893; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1987; Young & Marks 1990]. Children were selected for the program in various ways. Some children were already participating in one of the agency's other programs. Some were referred from the courts, juvenile facilities, and other children's institutions. Some parents brought their children to the agency for placement. In addition, CAS's community agents, who worked in neighborhoods to encourage children to participate in other programs offered by the organization, also recruited children for placing-out [Children's Aid Society 1893; Nelson 1985; Wheeler 1983]. Children chosen to be placed out were considered orphaned, homeless, abandoned, dependent, or neglected. In reality, only a few were orphans, and many others had at least one living parent and housing of some sort. Unless children were actual orphans, parents were required to give their permission for the child's participation in the placement program. Children who were thought to be incorrigible, who appeared to be sickly, or who were physically or mentally handicapped were generally not accepted for participation. African American children also were excluded, possibly because of concern that the agency would be accused of practicing slavery or due to their small numbers in New York and the prejudices of both the sending and receiving communities [Children's Aid Society 1893; Fry 1974; Holt 1992; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Wheeler 1983; Young & Marks 1990]. After placing 207 children individually during the first year of the program, a decision was made in 1854 to send children in groups because more could be accomplished with little increase in cost or the magnitude of work. Before the initiation of a trip west for any group of children, a CAS agent visited various towns within the targeted states. The agent's tasks were twofold: promoting the children's arrival and appointing a selection committee that would be responsible for approving potential foster families and that would provide a linkage between the foster family, the child, and CAS [Children's Aid Society 1893; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Young & Marks 1990]. When needed, housing in one of the agency's group residences was provided for the children pending departure of the next scheduled trip to predesignated towns in the Midwest. Each child was given new clothing for the trip. A CAS agent and members of the caregiving staff accompanied each train that transported the children [Children's Aid Society 1893; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Wheeler 1983; Young & Marks 1990]. At each stop, the children left the train and were taken to a local community gathering place, usually a church, courthouse, or opera house. Some families had made previous arrangements to receive a particular child, but most often the children were lined up for interested adults to view and select. Children who were not chosen during this process would be transported to the next town for consideration, unless the agent tried to recruit a placement locally before the train departed [Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Wheeler 1983; Young & Marks 1990]. CAS required that a child go with a family willingly and that the agent make a home visit before settling the placement. Families had to provide an education and proper care. In addition, either the family or the child could request an end to the placement, resulting in arrangements for an alternate family or the child's return to New York. CAS also required follow-up personal visits and correspondence with the children until they reached adulthood and were living on their own [Brace 1880; Children's Aid Society 1893; Langsam 1964; Nelson 1985; Patrick et al. 1990; Young & Marks 1990]. Between 1854 and 1930, approximately 150,000 children were placed by the = CAS emigration program or one of the other organizations that modeled the CAS program. The children rode the trains to California, Colorado, Illinois, indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, Ohio, Texas, and Wisconsin. A small number of children were placed in southern states--Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia. Some children were placed within the rural areas of New York State and other northeastern states, such as Connecticut, Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania [Kitterson 1968; Langsam 1964; Wheeler 1983; Young & Marks 1990]. Another major New York-based emigration program was started in 1876 by the New York Foundling Home, which placed infants and preschool children in Catholic families. The Foundling Home's initiation of its program was based in part on a complaint expressed by the Catholic leadership that CAS was placing Catholic children with Protestant families in an effort to decrease the number of Catholics in the country [Kitterson 1968; Langsam 1964; Patrick et al. 1990; Wheeler 1983; Young & Marks 1990].

Date: Mon, 19 Oct 1998 11:15:53 -0400 To: Fldollfin@aol.com From: Susan Ryan <sryan@stetson.edu> At 12:40 AM 10/19/98 EDT, you wrote: Hi Susan, Would your library have any information on so called " Orphan Trains" in the 1880's? I am told they ran into Ohio from FL. and that my grandmother must have been on one and been adopted as her death cert says she was born in Sanford Fl. Any help as to where I could find this information would be appreciated. As is I have two volumes " Decendants of Thomas Sanford" 1911 by Carlton Sanford which list her father Rolland A. Sanford. By the way, the Henry Sanford , for whom the town of Sanford Fl. is in there too. Carol Gilliland 3639 Belle Vista Dr. E. St. Pete Beach, FL. 33706 (813) 360-7189 ++++++++++++++++++++++++ Date: Mon, 19 Oct 1998 11:15:34 -0400 To: Fldollfin@aol.com From: Susan Ryan <sryan@stetson.edu> Carol, There are many books and articles out there on the orphan trains. You should be able to go to your local public library and request them on interlibrary loan if they do not own copies. Here are a few: 1. The Orphan Trains: Placing Out in America by Marilyn Irvin Holt, University of Nebraska Press, 1992. 2. The Orphan Trains by Annette R. Fry, New Discovery Books, 1994. 3. We are a Part of History: The Story of the Orphan Trains by Michael Patrick, Donning Company, 1994. 4. Children of the Orphan Trains: From New York to Illinois and Beyond, published by the Illinois State Genealogical Society, 1994. 5. The Orphan Trains, PBS VIDEO, 1995 6. The End of the Line, Orphan Trains, FILMAKERS LIBRARY, INC. VIDEO, 1989. In a separate message, I am sending you a couple of articles as well. Susan Ryan Susan M. Ryan Associate Director for Public Services Campus Unit 8418 duPont-Ball Library Stetson University DeLand, FL 32720 (904) 822-7185 (904) 822-7199 (fax) sryan@stetson.edu

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 19-Oct-98 12:37 Subject: Fwd: Orphan Trains ------------------------------------------------------------------ From: Merry Kahn <mkahn@mail.ms.maquoketa.k12.ia.us> Subject: Re: Orphan Trains Carol, Gee -- orphan trains that went from Florida to Ohio. I've never heard of any orphan trains that left from Florida, but that doesn't mean it didn't happen! If you go to our orphan train web page, check under "Resources" and get the address/phone number of the Orphan Train Heritage Society of America. They will be able to tell you if any orphan trains traveled the route in which you are interested. Good luck! Merry Kahn Merry Kahn Media Specialist Briggs Elementary School 400 West Quarry Street Maquoketa, IA 52060 319-652-4996 mkahn@mail.ms.maquoketa.k12.ia.us ***************************************************************** ...In every walk with Nature one receives far more than he seeks. --- John Muir ***************************************************************** Merry, Could you post the URL to your page please? Maggie !^NavFont02F03D90007NGHHJDB76B7

Hi Liz: I'm extremely puzzled by the message. I did not sent a message to the Erie Co. webpage on Livengood. I do have a Livermore in my family, but as far as I know not in Ohio. Since my given name is really unusual, I find it strange that there would be two of us on the Erie Co. webpage. Sorry, I can't help you. Please let me know how this comes out. Did you just click on my e-mail address and return to sender? I know the page was down and things were in a mess for a short time earlier; perhaps messages got mixed up. Sorry, Leora ---------- > From: Liz Miller <emiller@erinet.com> > To: OHERIE-L@rootsweb.com > Subject: Re: Livengood > Date: Wednesday, October 21, 1998 2:56 PM > > Hi Leora- > > I was checking some names and ran this info, thought you might be > interested. I know the names are not an exact match, but maybe the location > will help. I know we connect on the Mowry line, so maybe these two > Livengood's match too !! > > Carrie Mowry, daughter of John Mowry and Louisa Wilhelmine Leber married a > man by the name of Claude Livengood from Oxford Township, Erie County, OH. > > Of course, I don't have my source in the program (sigh). Most of that > family (Mowry) info was from the Lewis Cass Aldrich, History of Erie County > OH, (1889), page 882. > > At 08:53 PM 10/1/98 -0400, you wrote: > >I'm looking for information on Peter Livengood. Married Matilda Wood on > >September 9, 1832 in Huron County. Can anyone help? > > > >Leora > > Regards, > > Liz Miller - Dayton, OH > emiller@erinet.com > > > ==== OHERIE Mailing List ==== > This list is designed to provide a discussion forum for anyone who has an interest in Erie County Ohio. > > > >

Hi Leora- I was checking some names and ran this info, thought you might be interested. I know the names are not an exact match, but maybe the location will help. I know we connect on the Mowry line, so maybe these two Livengood's match too !! Carrie Mowry, daughter of John Mowry and Louisa Wilhelmine Leber married a man by the name of Claude Livengood from Oxford Township, Erie County, OH. Of course, I don't have my source in the program (sigh). Most of that family (Mowry) info was from the Lewis Cass Aldrich, History of Erie County OH, (1889), page 882. At 08:53 PM 10/1/98 -0400, you wrote: >I'm looking for information on Peter Livengood. Married Matilda Wood on >September 9, 1832 in Huron County. Can anyone help? > >Leora Regards, Liz Miller - Dayton, OH emiller@erinet.com

Hi Everyone, I am doing alright but spent the day yesterday with Dusti from Boston. We had a great time but I ignored my mail. The query pages have been updated but I will be out of town today and will get stuff back on track as soon as possible. Oh and Happy Birthday to Prince Al! May you have a GREAT day! Maggie !^NavFont02F00FC0007NGHHGFDACD5

------------------------------------------------------------------ FORWARDED MESSAGE - Orig: 18-Oct-98 18:22 Subject: Questions??? ------------------------------------------------------------------ My name is Stephanie Evans. I am writing a paper on Shawnee Indians living in the Dayton area who have close relations to thier cultural background. Is there anyone you might know who would be interested in helping me out? My e-mail address is stephievans@juno.com Thank you for your time. Stephanie !^NavFont02F01B50007NGHHHB7F396