Cont. 'Assisted Emigration from the Shirley Estate, 1843-54: by Patrick J. Duffy, published in 'The Clogher Record', Vol. XIV, No. 2. p. 7-63 The beginnings of a rudimentary social welfare system more in keeping with modem conditions, and a necessary response to the growing population of what at the time were called 'paupers', saw the controversial emergence of the Poor Law system in Ireland in 1838. By 1846 there were 130 workhouses operating in the country, including one in Carrickmacross. While the small farmers with valuations just above £4 came under enormous pressure as the rates for the maintenance of the workhouses rose, it was the estate owners who would have had to bear the brunt of the cost of supporting the penniless; and estates which had the misfortune to have a previous history of poor management invariably had the greatest populations of paupers. In a region like south Monaghan, many of the small farms valued at £4 and £5 were so impoverished by the rates of the later forties that they fell into serious arrears in rent, had to give up their farms and fall back on the poor law relief. In these circumstances, landlord interest in emigration and a reduction of pauper dependants and tenants of very small-holdings, steadily grew from the 1830s, and many of these impoverished small farmers were the recipients of Shirley's emigration allowances. Landowners therefore became increasingly keen on emigration as a way of reducing estate populations and of consolidating and improving farms which would allow a better response to the gradual shift in the agricultural economy from labour-intensive crops to cattle and pasture. Some of the classic and most controversial examples of landlord involvement in emigration were to be found on the larger and wealthier estates: the Wyndham estates in Clare, Palmerston's estate in Sligo, Monteagles in Limerick, the Fitzwilliam estate in south Wicklow and the Midleton property in Cork, all encouraged and subsidized portions of their poorer tenantry to leave for America. As Fitzpatrick notes, while none were forced to leave - though in limited instances eviction left many with little choice - and many were subsequently grateful for the opportunities afforded them, emigration, assisted by the landlords, was generally condemned as a conspiracy to exterminate the Irish race. One of the earliest officially-backed attempts at assisted emigration was Peter Robinson's scheme in 1825, where 567 emigrants from Munster were shipped to British America. Landlord-assisted migration was mostly favoured on the larger estates whose management was able to see the advantages of reducing the population, and had the capacity to engage in the complex process of moving whole families to America. Aside from the administrative difficulties in encouraging emigration from their estates, two other factors slowed down landlord action however. Firstly, the cost of moving people was an important consideration and secondly, public opinion, to which landlords became increasingly sensitive in pre-famine years, made them think twice: the other side to assisted emigration was often at worst eviction and at best the knocking-down of homesteads after the owners had emigrated (to prevent them returning) and the amalgamation of holdings. And Shirley was no stranger to the effect of these developments on public- opinion in the 1840s, when he was watched by a reporter of The Nation in Carrickrnacross, who condemned him in 1849 for 'practising extermination to an enormous extent'.(*5) In all, about 80,000 emigrants were directly assisted with passages overseas by 180 landlords; 30,000 of these were accounted for by ten major landowners who had the resources and the incentive to undertake a serious involvement. (*6) As Fitzpatrick points out, however, this was only a drop in the ocean in relation to the total emigration from Ireland in the nineteenth century. The figures for assisted migrants might be added to slightly by counting emigrants who were indirectly assisted by landlords foregoing arrears of rent to allow people to get the money together to emigrate, or supplementing the passage money or giving other forms of assistance for the journey apart from the actual passage money. In one of the quaint anecdotal stories from the memoirs of his experience as an agent on the Bath estate in Farney, William Steuart Trench gives Pattsy McDermott the option of 'paying up or emigrating'. Patsy replies, 'I have no money to pay for my passage, nor to buy a ha'porth for the journey; so I will give you my little place freely . . .'. Trench told him that he should have a free passage to any port in America, a respectable outfit and a sovereign in his hand on landing, to which Patsy responded, 'You may put me down for Boston'. (*7) Shirley responded to innumerable petitions for assistance to emigrate from his impoverished tenants; his agents' main strategy in the 1840s was ultimately to reduce the population on the property. Most of the emigrants from Ireland went out at their own expense, mainly with the help of remittances from family members already in America, and as the flow to America rose to a flood in the later forties, it acquired a momentum of its own which removed the need for much landlord involvement in post-famine years. But landlord-assisted emigration remains important in its local impact and Shirley's emigrants, for example, amounting to many hundreds (in conjunction with those from the Bath estate in the 1850s) must have had significant social and economic repercussions on the barony of Farney for one or two generations after the middle years of the nineteenth century. D Fitzpatrick, Irish Emigration 1801-1921. Studies in Irish Economic and Social History, W. Steuart Trench 'Realities of irish Life', London 1868

The following discusses something of emigration from all of Ireland, before the dates mentioned - the paper it is taken from deals only with the Shirley estate in Co. Monaghan. 'Assisted Emigration from the Shirley Estate, 1843-54: by Patrick J. Duffy, published in 'The Clogher Record', Vol. XIV, No. 2. p. 7-63 INTRODUCTION Much, but not enough, has been written about assisted emigration from nineteenth century Ireland - that is, emigration which was largely paid for by government or private individuals or institutions, but chiefly by landlords. The ideological implications of emigration have been the same for the nineteenth century and today: it is what might be described as a political and social 'hot potato'. Encouraging people to leave Ireland is a very risky undertaking. Even at the height of the massive outmovement in the 1840s, the official agencies of public opinion were at least ambivalent, and at most opposed to emigration and this attitude continued throughout the remainder of the nineteenth century. The editorial policy of the Freeman's Journal, for example, disapproved of the flow of people out of the homeland, but at the same time the paper carried many advertisements for shipping lines to America as well as articles of advice to potential emigrants. The Catholic Church was opposed to the emigration, as evidenced in the pronouncements of some of the hierarchy, but at the same time many individual clergy on the ground in destitute rural parishes encouraged members of their flock to leave. Fr Patrick Moynagh from the parish of Donagh in north Monaghan, for example, helped many people to emigrate to Canada in the 1830s and 40s. As the nineteenth century progressed and as emigration to North America proceeded, information and knowledge of emigrant destinations and opportunities increased. Certainly by the mid-nineteenth century, America beckoned more and more brightly to all from cottier to cabinet minister with its promise of a solution to the increasing 'impoverishment of the Irish countryside. The Devon Commission (in 1845) was frequently preoccupied with the disposition of the Irish to emigrate - often commenting on the reluctance of Catholics to leave home and the readiness of Protestants to go, a reflection no doubt of earlier and more established emigration traditions and contacts among Ulster's Protestant population. But the willingness of the Irish generally to emigrate became a feature of comment more and more frequently in pre-famine years, and this change in attitude was significantly related to the growing volume of outmigration and the increasing intensity of the information feedback to Ireland. By the 1820s, official government attitudes to emigration from Ireland had come full circle from the early eighteenth century, when emigration was frowned upon as a loss to the home economy. In the 1730s and again in the 1780s, emigration was prohibited or severely restricted. In 1783, for example, the Irish Parliament outlawed the emigration of certain artisan classes. Landowners were universally opposed to emigration which depleted their tenantry and often took away their best tenants. In the early 1700s, a great many families, mostly Protestant tenants, had left the Clones area much to the annoyance of estate agents. The post-war crisis after 1815 permanently changed the attitude of the political establishment to emigration, especially emigration to British north America. In keeping with changed perspectives on the population explosion spreading throughout industrialising Europe following the writings of Thomas Malthus, emigration of the poor was especially seen as an economic and social safety valve. In Victorian England it was viewed as a 'method of procuring social order at a minimum of cost' Part of the reason for official encouragement of emigration was the increasing pressure on the English economy by escalating numbers of impoverished labourer and Emigration from the Shirley Estate 1843-54. pauper immigrants from Ireland. Many of these, added to native paupers, were a growing burden on the Poor relief system in England. Liverpool was becoming a distinctively Irish city with large communities of Irish poor. South Ulster especially had a strong seasonal labour connection with the north of England and Wales which made people very familiar with these places. By the 1840s, the correspondence on the Farney emigrants shows many of them passing back and forth across to Liverpool by steamer from Dundalk and Newry with considerable ease. Some references: R J Dickson, Ulster Emigration to colonial America 1718-1785, Belfast, 1966, 186. See Clogher Record 1962, 201. D McLoughlin, Information flows and Irish emigration: the image of America in Ireland 1820-1870, unpublished MA thesis, Maynooth College, 1983, 78. Malthus in fact recommended state assistance to emigrants from Ireland in the 1820s. Following the establishment of the workhouses in Ireland, paupers were frequently assisted to emigrate by the Boards of Guardians: see P. Livingstone, 'Castleblayney Poor Law Union 1839-49' Clogher Record V (1964), 239-241.

Posted on: Ireland<br>County Monagahan<br>Biography & General History Records Board Reply Here: http://genconnect.rootsweb.com/gc/Ireland/MonagahanBios/14 Surname: COFFEY, BOOTH ------------------------- Dublin Gazette Dublin, co. Dublin, Ireland 19 Jan 1790 The following Persons, being Prisoners for Debt in the respective Gaols or Prisons hereafter mentioned, or in some other Prison in this Kingdom, on the First Day of August 1787, give Notice that they intend to take the Benefit of an Act of Parliament passed in the 28th Year of His present Majesty's Reign, entitled "An Act for the Relief of Insolvent Debtors, with Respect to the Imprisonment of their Persons," and after Fourteen Days from this Publication of their Names in the Dublin Gazette, to apply by Petition to the Court from whence the Process issued upon which they stand charged, to His Majesty's Court of King's Bench, Common Pleas or Exchequer, the first Opportunity that shall happen in the next Hillary Term, to One of the Judges of some of the said Courts out of Term, or to the next going Judges of Assize for the County or the County of the City wherein they are respectively confined, for the Purpose of obtaining the Benefit of said Act. COUNTY GAOL OF GALWAY Constantine COFFEY COUNTY GAOL OF MONAGHAN Joseph BOOTH

Continued............. The Primates and the Church Lands (extract from The Primates and the Church Lands: Seanchas Ard Mhaca: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol 5, No. 2, 1970, pp. 370-397) O NEILL'S RENTS-SECULAR LAND LAWS The following interesting account given by Sir Toby Caulfield, who was appointed custodian of the escheated estates of the Earl of Tyrone (i.e. Hugh O. Neill) throws a sidelight on the methods adopted by the latter to collect his revenues from his clansmen: 1. That there is no specified portion of land set to any of O Neill's rent paying tenants. 2. Such rents as he reserved, were paid to him, partly in money and partly in provisions: oats, oatmeal, butter, hogs and muttons. 3. The money rents so reserved, were chargeable on all the cows that were milch, or in calf, which grazed on his lands, at the rate Of 7d. per quarter year. These cows were counted twice yearly, viz. at May and Hallowtide, by O Neill's officers, and so the rents were levied and taken up, at the said rents, for all the cows that were counted, except that the principal Creaghts, who lived better than those under them, whom they compelled to pay the said rents, were allowed part of the whole rents, which amounted to £700 a year (Irish) or thereabouts, communibus annis, which they retained in their own hands, by direction from the Lord Deputy, and so were never received. Butter and other victualling provisions were only paid by such as were termed horsemen, the Quinns, Hagans, Conlans and Devlins, at their own discretion as to who should give most to gain O Neill's favour, than for any due claim he had to demand the same. 4. All the cows on which rents were to be levied had to be counted in one day in the whole country, which requires much travel and labours and many people to put into a position of trust, in ascertaining the true record, as the country is replenished with woods, which greatly advantage the rentpaying tenants to get their cows away from the reckoning and also to such overseers as can be corrupted by the tenants to mitigate their rents by lessening the true number of their cattle. 5. The rent is uncertain because of the custom of the country which allows the tenants to remove from one Lord to another, every half year, as usually they do as the custom is allowed by State Authority. INDEXES A (1) NATIVE TENANTS IN OCCUPATION IN 1615 Cullen, Pearce Hovendon, Robert (married to widow O Neale) MacBrioge, William McConnor, Edmond, Henry & Philomy McCrorie, Bryan bog, Jas oge, Pat oge McShane, Jas. Obrennigan, Donnell Ocarre, Pat, Edmond, Pat Oge, Art Oge Oconree, Pat oge, Turlo Ocorr, Bryan Ocromee, Donogh, Teage Oconnelie, Hugh, Ed Oge, Ffernighee, Shane McDonnell Groone Odonnellan, Connor Offehgan, William Oflynn, Cormack, Connor More, Art, Connor Oge, Shane Ohahie, Collo, Connor Olappan, Hugh, Cormack, Pat oge, Turlo, Eoin, Cormac Modder Olappan, Owen Modder Oneile, Phyllmey McTurlo Brasslett Oneile, Conn McTurlo A (2) PLANTERS IN OCCUPATION IN 1615 Brooks, Edmund, Crante, T. B (1) CATHOLIC SUB-TENANTS IN 1714 Babe, John Blaine, Alex Blaine, Francis Brally, hugh Callyghan, Pat Cavanagh, John Carr, Murtha Coalman, Ed. Connellan, Art Cor, John Corrigan, Bryan Corrigan, Rodger Corrigan, Thomas Dennish, Wm. Donaghy, Laughlin Odonnelly, Art O Donnelly Pat O Donnelly Phil O Donnelly Turlo Dowdall Murtha Doyle, Owen Duffy, Philo Ffailon, Murtha Ffarelly, owen Ffenion, John Gildernew, Ed. Hedigan, Thos. Haggan, Ed. Hughes, Edmond Hughes, Henry Hughes, John Hughes, Neile Hughes, Pat Hughes, Philo Keane, Francis Kelly, William Kinney, Turlo Lappin, Cormack Lappin, Pat Lappin, Thos Lee, Leonard Madigan, Pat McCann, Murtha McCarney, Pat McCartan, Pat McCavill, Jas. McCavill, John McCavill, Laurence McCavill, Wm. McCavill, Turlogh McCoan, Edmond McCollon, John McConor, Murtha McCready, Denis McElcreedy, Turlo McGee, Eaver McGee, Edmond McGee, Jas. McGee, Jas. McGee, Pat McGurk, Bryan Mckelt, Neece McMullan, John McOwen, Pat McQuade, Art McQuade, Henry McQuade, Pat McRorey, Dan McRory, Pat McVeigh, Owen McVeigh, Pat Murphy, Thurlo Newgent, Thos Oconnelly, Art O Donaghy, Shane O Donnelly, Jas. O Donnelly, Philo O Donnelly, Turlo O Harnly, Bryan O Harnly, Hugh O Hall, Cor. O Harry, Philo O Hedigan, Pat O Hugh, Constant O hugh, Dan O Hugh Denis O Hugh Fferd O Hugh, Jas. O Hugh, Pat O Kelly, Art O Mackel, Turlo O Mallan, Neale O Neile, Philomey O Nerny, Philo O Quinn, Owen O Tonner, Ed. O Toole, Phil Raverty, Bryan Toner, Bryan Toner, Bryan Toner, Knogher Toner, Neale Toner, William Total: 101 (2 Bryan Toners) Catholic Sub-tenants

If you find out, can you please let me know. My McKENNA family went too America during that period and settled in Dakota. Therese , in warm and humid Queensland.

Dick, Our CONLON family lived in the Parish of Errigal Truagh in County Monaghan and they left Ireland in 1847. They sailed from Liverpool to the Port of New York. How they traveled from Monaghan to Liverpool is unknown. Wayne > ************ >So my question is " where did the Monaghan emigrants go to catch the ship to >North America ??? > >My family left in two groups, between 1854 and 1860 and they didn't go >through Derry... > >Any ideas ??? > >Thanks >Dick Kiernan >

The book which I referenced in my post is: The name of the book is "Irish Passenger Lists, 1847-1871 by Brian Mitchell --- ISBN 0806312068 I found it in the Public Library It is listed for purchase from the www.GenealogyBookShop.com --- but shown as "Temporarily out of print" Dick Kiernan

----- Original Message ----- From: Krisha Banigan <KRISHAB3@email.msn.com> To: Dick and Mary Kiernan <rmalcolmk@prodigy.net> Sent: Friday, December 15, 2000 1:33 PM Subject: Re: Where did they leave from to go to North America ??? > Most immigrants from Carrickmacross (CMX) went from Newry and Dundalk to > Liverpool.This was a popular route for emigration. Liverpool was becoming a > little Ireland in the famine years with the population swelling with > communities of the Irish poor. Of the Monaghan emigrants I have seen, almost > all sailed from Liverpool to US, Canada, and Australia. Of course, some > emigrants left Monaghan for harvesting crops in northern England and Wales. > Others left to join families relocated in Liverpool. Some instances find > Monaghan emigrants with children born in Edinbourough (sp), Scotland. I > believe that was a stopover point to North American emigration, but of > course some families must have stayed there. > Krisha > ----- Original Message ----- > From: Dick and Mary Kiernan <rmalcolmk@prodigy.net> > To: <IRL-MONAGHAN-L@rootsweb.com> > Sent: Friday, December 15, 2000 8:05 AM > Subject: Where did they leave from to go to North America ??? > > > > I just finished looking at the passenger lists from Derry to North > America, > > for 1847--1871. The book states that great majority of the passengers were > > from County Derry, County Donegal and County Tyrone. County Femanagh > > contributed 12% and all the rest, including Monaghan, contributed only 2% > of > > the passengers... > > > > So my question is " where did the Monaghan emigrants go to catch the ship > to > > North America ??? > > > > My family left in two groups, between 1854 and 1860 and they didn't go > > through Derry... > > > > Any ideas ??? > > > > Thanks > > Dick Kiernan > > >

The Primates and the Church Lands (extract from The Primates and the Church Lands: Seanchas Ard Mhaca: Journal of the Armagh Diocesan Historical Society, Vol 5, No. 2, 1970, pp. 370-397) The fact that the attempts of the O Neills to encroach on the herenagh lands, though persisted in up to the middle of the 16th century, had uniformly failed to secure a permanent foothold is amply evidenced by the following summary from Primate Dowdall' s Register, which mentions many of the above holdings: "In 1551, George Dowdall, Archbishop, came to Armagh, and charged Conn O Neill McConn McEnri McEoghan, who was Earl and O Neill at that time (i.e. Conn Bacach) with having himself and his ancestors seized unto themselves much of the estate of the Primate and the Church, and especially that Conn, himself, while he was Lord and the Primate was Primate, had seized, without right or covenant, those townlnds whose names are before us down here below, i.e. the country of Muinter Corra, Muin- ter Eachaidh, the country of Muinter Cassaleigh and the four towns of the Fisiceach O Chaside and the four sessioghs of Cabraighe (Cabragh), of which the children of John (Clan Shane) were sometime tenants of the Primate, and, moreover, the Primate charged the said Conn with seizing the rents of Eanach Moy (Annamoy) and Malygare (Moydown), for himself, for some years, on the plea that the sons of OCarra, who had been steward to the Primate, had killed the son of OClaphan (O Lappan). After a certain amount of controversy and disputation had arisen between the Prrimate and O Neill respecting the lands, they agreed to await the testimony of expert witnesses i.e. Eoin OCullen, Lecturer of the Chapter House, Armagh, Seinicin MacDomini, official of Armagh, and Eoin MacGillamurra, Master of works. These witnesses gave their testimony, in the presence of God and the world, that these lands, aforesaid, belonged to the Primate and that neither ONeill nor any other layman had any claim on them, and for that reason, ONeill, as a humble son of God and Patrick, of the Church and Primate, relinquished these lands so that neither himself, his children, nor his heirs should have any claim to them henceforth for ever. The OCarra (Carr) family seem to have been the hereditary stewards of the lands of Glenaul, for in the same register we find the following: "Return of the Primate's lands, this side of the Blackwater, with the exception of rents and lands in the City itself, and of what the Earl holds from the Primate in Clondawyll (Glenaul) according to the declaration of John OCrarr (OCarra) the Primate's Bailiff, made, in the castle of the manor of Termonfeckin, in 1577. The rents paid by the herenagh septs prior to the 17th century have already been given in Volume I, No. 1(pp. 84-6), which show that a specific monetary payment was made annually and made no reference to additional duties or burdens. In 1615, however, they were brought into line with the tenants of the mensal lands, by the imposition of a similar periodic tribute in kind, as an additional item on their leases, which were now limited to the period "during Primacy" while those tenants who did not receive leases held their lands from year to year. This additional burden as later commuted to a monetary payment of £1.2s.6d. per ballyboe, later raised to £2.5s.0d.; the leaseholders were, however, given exemption from these duties for the first two years after their entry into the lands. The following native tenants were given leases: Art Oge OCarr, Teage O Cromie, Phyllmey McTurlo O Neale and Connor O Donnelan, but all except the last-named had been superseded by tenants of planter stock before 1620, when O Donnellan was given a further lease for 21 years but was displaced in 1634 by Robert Maxwell, Lord Bishop of Kilmore. The first planter, Robert Linton, secured a lease for 60 years in 1615 on payment of rent of £16 for the lands of the O Cassidys, free of all duties; he had however to pay £16 on entrance into the lands (Incombe), and a heriot of 30 shillings, or his best beast or horse and to find one light horse and man for his Majesty's Service when required. In 17I4, the lands of Glenaul were occupied by the following tenants: Annamoy and Annaclarey : Chief tenant:- Walter Dawson , subtenants :-Wm. Matthew and John Clarke, both Church. James Jackson and William Marshall, Presbyterians. Knappagh and Dressogach : Chief tenant:- Waiter Dawson; subtenants:- Jas. Johnston, John Lattymore, Hercules McClean, Presbyterians. Philo Duffy, Bryan Corrigan and Art Connellan, Catholics. Ballymacully upper and lower: Chief tenant:- Jas. Johnston ; Sub-tenants : Ed. and Jerome Wilson, - Ffauston, Thos. Eager and Sam Williams, Presbyterians: Alex Kirkpatrick, Church; Art O Hedigan, Catholic. Cabragh Capt. Jas. Manson, chief tenant; T. Powell, under-tenant, religion not stated; Ed. Coalman, Bryan Raverty, Denis McAredy, Bryan and Hugh O Harney, Catholics. Cavanballaghy: Capt. James Manson, chief tenant; Wm. Allen, Thos. Anderson, Andrew Oliver, John and Thomas Wilson, Presbyterians, under- tenants. Multaghatinny (or Elm Park): John Maxwell, chief tenant; Andrew Ferguson, Presbyterian, under-tenant; Thomas Heslip, Church; Murtha Ffailon, Catholic. Lisbane: John Maxwell, chief-tenant Turlo Murphy, Pat McOwen and Henry Hughes, Catholics; Alex McCullogb, Presbyterian;. Turry : John Maxwell, chief tenant; Sam Osborne, Church, under- tenant. Annagh: John Maxwell, chief tenant; Pat, Philo, Henry, Turlo Hughes and Philomy ONeile, Catholics ; and Alex Stephenson, Presbyterian, under-tenants. Carvaghy: John Maxwell, chief tenant,. Robert Eakin, James and Wm. Anderson and John Glass, Presbyterians. Drumgoilliff: John Maxwell, chief tenant; Chas. Caulfield and Henry Keller, both Church, and Art OKelly, Catholic. Lisdown : John Maxwell, chief tenant; Francis Burnell, James Cord and James Wright, Presbyterians; Rodger Duffin, Church; Rodger Cronegan and Francis Keane, Catholics. Ballybrooky: John Maxwell, chief tenant; John, Andrew and William Hutton and Wm. Rowan, Presbyterians, sub-tenants. Carrickaness: Chief tenant:- Wm Cope; sub-tenants: Denis, Dan and Pat OHugh, Jas. OHugh Senior and junior, Ed. 0Toner, Hugh Brolly, Wm. Dennish and Thomas Hedigan, all Catholics.

I just finished looking at the passenger lists from Derry to North America, for 1847--1871. The book states that great majority of the passengers were from County Derry, County Donegal and County Tyrone. County Femanagh contributed 12% and all the rest, including Monaghan, contributed only 2% of the passengers... So my question is " where did the Monaghan emigrants go to catch the ship to North America ??? My family left in two groups, between 1854 and 1860 and they didn't go through Derry... Any ideas ??? Thanks Dick Kiernan

The Hedge Schools were all over the country, the master was paid something for his teaching and he was not paid well - but he was also paid in kind. So - what did the children learn? This is recorded: What did they learn? Reading, writing and arithmetic were then, as now, regarded as the basis of schooling. Reading and spelling of English was the first task to which the small children were set, and they learned by 'rehearsing', that is by repeating the lesson all together, from the 'Rational, Spelling Book', the 'Hibernian Preceptor' or 'Reading Made Easy', three popular lesson books. William Carleton, at the age of six, learned the whole alphabet and a few simple spellings, like b-a-g bag, on his first day at the hedge school, and Daniel O'Connell did even better, for when he was only four years old he learned the alphabet, once and for all, from a hedge schoolmaster named Mahony, in an hour and a half. Slightly older children were taught writing and figures, first on slates - which, with the pencils, were home made, and later with paper and quill pens. Voster's arithmetic was the usual text book for figures; this was superseded later by Bonnycastle's and Deighan's. The older children, and young men and women up almost to the age of twenty, went on to algebra, geometry, rhetoric, Latin and Greek. Classical learning was highly regarded. 'I have known many poor men, such as broom-sellers, car-drivers and day-labourers who could speak Latin with considerable fluency' wrote a Killarney schoolmaster in 1808 to an English scholar of his acquaintance; in actual fact his letter is in Latin, as more suiting the dignity of a scholar. The master was paid by the parents, at so much per child per quarter, from about 1/6 (1 shilling 6 pence) or 2/- (two shillings) for the small ones learning reading and writing to ten or twelve shillings for the young men learning the Classics. But with small classes and poor clients the master was lucky if he made forty pounds a year - 'passing rich' as Goldsmith says. Of course this was not all his income, for he got many presents from grateful parents, such as potatoes, butter, fowl, pieces of bacon, turf and milk. He also made something on the side, by writing letters, drawing up wills, preparing petitions and other documents or keeping accounts for a fee. There is the case of a master of about 1860 - a National Teacher by now - whose spare-time job as land steward to a big farmer paid him once-and-a-half as much as his salary as a teacher. Sometimes there was a default in payment; the parents were not satisfied with the teacher or were too mean or too poor to pay, and the master could lament, like Mícheál Ó Longáin in West Limerick - "Is ainis mo ghnó a's is róbhocht dealbh mo shlí Ag teagase na n-óg a's ní fónta meastar me dhíol. Ach geallaimse dhóibh, gach lóma fleascaigh sa tír Gura fada go ngeóidh rno shórtsa eatartha arís!" ("Miserable is my business and most-poor my lot, instructing the young and not being honestly paid. But I promise to them, to each rustic boor in the land, that long will it be until my like comes among them again.") Such verses were sung far and wide, to the discomfiture of those who had wronged the master, for, like the poets of old, the hedge schoolmasters used satire as a sharp and dreaded weapon, and one against which there was little defence. There were times when the satire recoiled upon the master, as when a young woman, mocked in verse by Donnchadh Rua Mac Conmara, set fire to the school and forced the master to fly for his life: such extreme measures were rare, however, for usually the master was highly esteemed in the community, and few had the temerity to 'cross' him. It must he admitted, however, that there were masters who failed to keep up the high standards expected, as when the rakish Eoin Rua O'Sullivan was engaged to instruct certain young ladies, and was found, alas!, to have carried his teaching too far, with the result that he had to fly the district and take refuge as a recruit in the British navy. In the second half of the eighteenth century the laws against education were relaxing, and in many districts they were not rigorously applied by kindly magistrates or lenient landlords. With more settled conditions there were many decent Protestants growing more and more disgusted with the indignities heaped upon their Catholic fellow-Irishmen, and in 1782 the 'Volunteer Parliament' passed an Act which gave Catholics some freedom to teach schools and attend them. But this did not end the days of the hedge schools; it meant that they were no longer illegal, but it did not mean that school buildings and other facilities were provided overnight. In some places, especially in the towns, it was not long until school buildings appeared, and clerics, nuns and layfolk taught openly and with general satisfaction. But as we might expect, there were many country places where the only change was that the school could now be held in a farmhouse kitchen or other such place without risk to the owners. Often the older boys had to work during the day, and did their lessons at night, hence the 'night school', a direct off,shoot of the hedge school. Often a farmer gave a barn or a large byre over as a school, and stools, desks and blackboards began to appear. Printers could now produce schoolbooks in numbers, and some of the 'chapbooks' sold cheaply and used as reading books look rather odd to us today, titles such as 'Freeny the Robber', 'Famous Rogues and Rapparees', 'The Devil and Doctor Faustus', 'The History of Witches and Apparitions', and others even more unsuitable.

Jane - when this sort of thing happens your best bet is to change your provider, or at least your address, and start over completely, that way no one can continue to send you a virus over and over. You wrote: If I get Snow White and the Seven Dwarves or whoever they are from Hahahah or whoever it is again, I'll crack up!!!!!!!!!!!!!

I would like to ask everyone who has my name in their address book to remove it - PLEASE. Even if you have only clicked reply all - it could be there........ PLEASE.........I'm begging you - honest. If I get Snow White and the Seven Dwarves or whoever they are from Hahahah or whoever it is again, I'll crack up!!!!!!!!!!!!! PLEASE, PLEASE PLEASE............make sure my name isn't in your address book - whatever e mail programme you are using. I'm being hit at least five times a day........... If I get hit by making a reply to you then that's just my tough luck................ Please and thanks - what we're working on is too important......... Jane

Ancestry.com did this last year as well and offered free access. It can be very difficult at times to get into their databases because there may be too many people hitting the site. You can be looking through a database and suddenly get a message telling you it is not available when you want to look at the next page, so you have to watch for that and remember all you have to do is go back and begin again and you may get through whatever you were looking at. They don't have an awful lot of Irish material, but it is possible to find locations of Irish surnames so for those of you searching for records of people in your own country, then this is a good place to check. When they open it to the general public, then is a good time to check - and - if you are really eager then you work out what time of the day or night you think there will be the fewewst people on line looking for information :-) For me, in Ireland, the best time was always about 7 or 8 am. Jane ------------------------------------ -- Free Access to All Ancestry.com Subscriber Databases through December 21 ============================================================ FREE ACCESS TO ALL ANCESTRY.COM SUBSCRIBER DATABASES ============================================================ Here's the opportunity you've been waiting for! Ancestry.com is offering free access to all of its databases through December 21. This is your chance to see why more than 270,000 researchers have chosen to subscribe to Ancestry.com in their quest to discover their family's history. Sign up for free access today at: http://www.ancestry.com/home/celebrate/freeaccess.htm?sourcecode=674

When I was young(er) we used to dress up on St. Stephen's day and go round the pubs singing songs to collect money for the wran. You'd go through the town and we'd all meet different groups doing the rounds, and people would give to each group. I think then the money was pretty much kept for ourselves. I always thought it went on everywhere around Ireland and it's only in recent years I've found that no, only in some counties at that time and in fewer now. # These days, in Dublin we have one big meeting down in Sandymount on St. Stephen's day. It's an organised charity event, we have music - singing, dancing on the streets, people dressed up. It goes on for a few hours and the people who organise it also collect donations. As far as I know similar charity events are organised in other parts of the country. The Wren Boys (extracted from JCAHS, 1894, Vol. III, p. 22) "St. Stephen's his day" is a red-letter event in the canaille calendar of Cork and neighbourhood. When the "wran-boys," as they are locally termed, have captured a wren, the luckless bird is borne through the streets in a sort of triumphal progress, secured in a bush of holly or other evergreen, which is usually garnished with streamers of coloured ribbons, or variegated papers, according to the resources of tile exhibitors. In early morning the city resounds with the din of the wren-boys (which term, by the way, embraces matured manhood), who are making a house to house visitation, singing at each halt a chant, something as follows:- "Mr. Blank is a worthy man, And to his house we've brought the wran; The wran, the wran that you may see Is guarded by the holly-tree. Sing holly, sing ivy, sing ivy, sing holly, To keep a bad Christmas it is but a folly; For Christmas comes but once a year, And when it comes it brings good cheer. The wran, the wran, the king of all birds, St. Stephen's his Day was cot in the furze; And though he is little, his family's great, So arise, good lady, and give us a trate. Sing holly, sing ivy, etc. Yet if you do fill it of the small, It will not do for our boys at all; But if you fill it of the best, We hope in heaven your soul may rest. Sing holly, sing ivy, etc. This lyric, with its refrain, is long drawn out, and as its aim is the acquisition of largesse, the ballad does not fail to make eulogistic reference to the good cheer provided by the worthy master and mistress of the house, and their high reputation for hospitality during the festive season. Richard Dowden, mayor of Cork in I845, issued a proclamation during his mayoralty forbidding, on the score of cruelty, "the hunting of the little bird on St. Stephen's day by all the idle fellows of the country," a precedent which has never been followed by any of his successors in the civic chair. The origin of this brutal custom is not known. Professor Ridgeway, writing to the Academy, suggested the theory that the death of the wren symbolizes the death of winter; other correspondents of the same journal traced analogy between the Cork wren-boys and the Rhodian swallow-boys and the crow-boys of ancient Greece who went around with similar begging-songs. Goldsmith, while dealing elaborately with the superstitions connected with other birds, does not notice the custom in his brief article on the wren; but the English General Vallancey, who spent a considerable time in Cork and the neighbourhood, and became an enthusiastic student of the Irish language and archaeology, asserts that the Druids regarded the wren as a sacred bird, which caused the early Christian missionaries to place it under ban, and issue an edict for its extermination. Windele, the Cork antiquary, however, assures us that Vallancey "dreamt things as visionary, and disported ill fancies as wild and incongruous, as any of the Irish Keatinges or O'Hallorans who had preceded him." Another origin of the wren-slaughter is advanced in Hall's "Ireland," which contains a sketch of the St. Stephen's Day ceremony by the distinguished Cork painter, Maclise. " As to the origin of the whimsical but absurd and cruel custom," writes Mr. Hall, "we have no data. A legend, however, is still current among the peasantry which may serve in some degree to elucidate it. In a grand assembly of all the birds of the air, it was determined that the sovereignty of the feathered tribe should be conferred upon the one who would fly highest. The favourite in the betting-book was, of course, the eagle, who at once, and in full confidence of victory, commenced his flight towards the sun; when he had vastly distanced all competitors, he proclaimed ill a mighty voice his monarchy over all things that had wings. Suddenly, however, the wren, who had secreted himself under the feathers Of the eagle's crest, popped from his hiding-place, flew a few inches upwards and chirped out as loudly as he could, "Birds, look up, and behold your king." In other parts of Ireland it seems the wren and robin find special favour. Mr.Watters of the Dublin University Zoological Society, asserts in his "Birds of Ireland" that the most heartless youngster who indulges in "practical ornithology" with the eggs and young of other birds, regards the redbreast as too sacred to be molested. "Wild and untutored," he writes "ask him his reasons for allowing it to remain in safety, and in many parts of Ireland you are simply answered "The robin and the wren Are God's two holy men" apparently a local variant of the Lancashire folk-rhyme: "Cock Robin and Jenny Wren Are God Almighty's Cock and Hen" In view of the fine Corsican spirit in which the wren is annually done to death in the South of Ireland vendetta, it is needless to say that the rustic rhyme quoted by the Dublin ornithologist has no place in the bird-lore of these parts. Nor does the pretty fiction of the robins forming a coverlet of leaves for the dead Babes in the Wood, so generally potent for their protection elsewhere, invest them with any peculiar sanctity in the eyes of the average Cork person.

This is taken from an old post of mine on Christmas here in Ireland. Date: Wed, 17 Dec 1997 05:42:12 -0000 From: "Jane O'Brien" mailto:jayohbee@iol.ie To: IRELAND-L@rootsweb.com, At Christmas we eat mince pies, made from pastry and a fruit mixture called mince meat -seems this tradition came from the times when meat used to go off quickly and meat was put into pies with various spices and kept better - or maybe the rankness was simply not so noticeable! Today's mincemeat is made from currants, raisins, sultanas (golden raisins to you), sugar, lemon rind, cherries, apples and other dried fruits, plus a good dollop of whiskey! To keep it. Then, we have plum puddings, basically same mix as mincemeat, except here there are breadcrumbs, flour and eggs and the mix is put in pudding bowls and boiled for about 6 hours, Oh, how could I forget - the Irish recipe has guiness in it! Delicious on Stephens day - too heavy for Christmas after all the rest of the food. Served here with whipped cream or brandy butter. Also, there is the trifle, made from sponge or boudoir biscuits as the base, soaked in sherry, fruit salad mix on top, followed by jelly (jello to you) which mixes inwith the fruit, topped by custard and then topped again by whipped cream. Trifle would generally be eaten on Christmas day as it is much lighter than the pudding. Meat: We either go for the turkey or goose (used to be the tradiotional dish way back when your parents and grandparents emigrated) but then the turkey took over, so, goose goes with potato stuffing, turkey with a regular bread stuffing. In Cork they eat a lot of spiced beef over Christmas - or used to before BSE hit!! Thought the Irish are back eating beef. We haven't had as much BSE as Britain. Vegetables: Carrots and parsnips mashed together, brussels sprouts, marrowfat peas, celery. Potatoes roast and or boiled/mashed. Depending on family. There is also the ham, boiled or baked. Usually boiled the night before and then baked for a while on Christmas Day with a brown sugar and clove topping. That's the food. We give, give and give at Christmas....Charities are out in their thousands and every where you go there is a box looking for donations. They make a bomb at Christamas time.......meaning a lot of money. We are recognised as being a very generous nation. It's the truth so I might as well say it. Then on Stephens day there;'s the wren or wran. Only caried out in a few places nowadays, in every town when I was small and that wasn't too long ago. If you want to know about the wran let me know and I'l get back with that! Methinks this is a long enough mail. Also one other thing...the pies, pudding, trifle, turkey are alll British traditions which we've taken on.... :-) Jane ----------

Irish Geography People tend to pen their ancestors in, they have a townland name, a parish name, a county name and no matter what is said to them they will focus on that once name. It wasn't until I began to look at maps for other countries that I understood this. If I take a map of America and look at that, the states, they all have nice straight boundaries. Then, within states, the roads are straight, organised, hardly a space which looks unoccupied to my Irish mind. If I look at a map of Ireland and our counties, they're all over the place, no such thing as a straight line, they blend together, meander into one another. Not only can one county look like there are bits of it in another county, but part of a county can lie between two counties. There is no fixed definite shape or pattern to Irish counties. As if this wasn't bad enough, counties are further subdivided, we have Baronies, Religious Dioceses which spread over a few counties, Catholic and Protestant Boundaries for somewhere of the same name not being in the same place, the Religious Dioceses are subdivided into Religious Parishes, we have civil parishes, we have towns and townlands. We also have names for houses or farms. There are Poor Law Unions, legal divisions. The numbers of religious parishes may have changed over the years, increasing or decreasing depending on how many parishioners there were in an area, depending on whether or not there were religious in the area to serve that parish. One thing I have noticed over the years, is that people don't realise the size of the area they are dealing with. Take for example a map of Ireland, compare it to a map of the States. As an Irish person, regardless of the key telling me what distance is equal to a mile, I still tend to relate the two maps in one way or another. I once told someone that a place was only a little bit away from where they were, relatively speaking. It turned out that the friend laughed at the good of it, told me he would buy me a map and that the two places were 600 miles apart. I think Irish, the searchers from outside Ireland will generally tend to think in a manner which will suit their country. I think small, they generally think big. There will be a few who manage to get over that mental hurdle, and who will comprehend the size differences, but not many. The first thing searchers have to do is think 'small', think Irish, and always remember that here in this country for any small town or village there will be a core number of people who are descended from those who left. Twenty or thirty years ago, when someone moved in to any town or village, they were 'blow-in's'. They still are today, but not as noticeable this isn 't, because we move around more often, work brings us from place to place. Today, fewer will leave their home town permanently, they will travel home at the weekends, they will commute to wherever they work. The towns and villages are not dying as they did in the past, their populations are not necessarily shrinking like they did in the past, and so it is harder to find that original 'core' group of families. To go back through the genealogical information on any core group of families in any town or village it will be found that each of these families is related to the other in some way, somehow. In some ways,contradicting what I have just said, that the searchers should not pen their ancestors in, believe that these people did not move around, and that there are core families in any area, there is the fact that yes, they did move from place to place, or some of them did and great distances. You need to become familiar with our geography. For any county that you have a townland name for, you need to check out the various division names associated with that place. This you can do by visiting one of the townland sites available on the net. These really show you nothing, tell you little other than to give you more place names to be concerned with. (www.seanruad.com) However, then you can also visit various sites available which 'sell' Ordnance Survey maps for Ireland. Each county is broken up into a number of divisions. Each county has a number of OS maps associated with it. These do not necessarily cover only the one county, there may be information or bits of three or four counties on a map. The maps themselves are not indexed so it is necessary for you to go through them square by square looking for the townland/placename in which you have an interest. While the maps are not indexed, there are indices available at some of the sites and using these you can find out which map you actually need. These maps are relatively cheap. People ask about copies of original OS maps which can be bought from the Irish OS office, containing great detail and dating from the mid 1800's, showing the layout of the land, houses on it etc. These are expensive, but nice to have and look at. However, I don't recommend that you go out and buy any of these until you have positively identified the area in which you are interested using the cheaper, smaller OS maps. Then, do so. The placenames on the current OS maps have not changed that much from the names used on the earlier maps. One of the problems encountered with townland names is that any county may have had three or four townlands of the same name. This makes it hard to decide exactly where you should be interested in for definite. With the aid of these maps, you can judge the size of townlands, the closest local market town, the locations of churches and graveyards in the area. You still have to find and work your way through any records which would be available for that area, but you can make the journey smaller by concentrating initially on the biggest townland. Some of our townlands are no more than the size of a field. If you have a place name and there is only one of that name occurring in a county, then you treat this as the centre point on a dart board. The Bulls Eye so to speak. Remember our geography, the way counties sit together, mix in with one another. You work your way round that area, making the circle bigger and bigger as your search goes on, as time passes, taking into account any places in those rings which are found in other counties. Remember this, they were not penned in, just because someone said they came from this place or that place, doesn't mean that the closest church for their religion was actually found in that parish. You could live in one parish and the closest church could be in another parish, another county, but sit in the field next door. How many of us would walk miles and miles to our Parish church if we had another church 5 minute's walk down the road? Think small, simple, easy, shortest route.

Hello I am hoping someone can give me some advice. My ggg grandfather WEIR emigrated from County Monaghan about 1837 according to his son's obituary. The family settled in or near Cobourg, Ontario, Canada. The son's obituary states his father's first name was Lancott. Various census and records for the Cobourg area show the names Lancelot, Lancit and Salanty WEIR. I'm pretty sure the first two are the same person and probably my ancestor, but does anyone know anything about the origins of the given name Salanty? Also anyone else tracing WEIRs in Monaghan? I'd love to know where in the county they were from. Lancott's wife's name was Ann. Patty

'On the last day of 1739, Ireland awoke to find itself in the grip of what was in effect a mini Ice Age. Rivers froze, mills seized up and houses could not be heated above frezingh point. It was as if nature had gone a little crazy. Many were enchanted by the novelty of it all.Carnivals, dances andsheep-roastings were held on the ice. But the euphoria proved fleeting. In its wake came an almost biblical ordeal by drought, flood, fire, famine and plague, that has few parallels in the recorded history of this island.' The above from the cover of a book 'Arctic Ireland' written by David Dickson a senior lecturer of Modern history in Trinity College, Dublin. ISBN1 870132 85 8 Published by The White Row press Ltd., 135 Cumberland Rd., Dundonald, Belfast BT16 OBB First published 1997

Three Parishes: PARISH OF DONAGH Glasslough (a): Mathew Boyd (Prot.), (b): about, £25, (c ): Prot. 9 (18), Pres. 13 (28), R.C. 9 (14), (d): a very good house. Assisted by the Kildare Place Society. The late Rev. Dr. Maxwell bequeathed the interest of £150 towards the support of the school and £150 for building it. The parish grant by vestry £4-10-0 per ann. The parish school. Emyvale , (a): james Scott (Pres.), (b): About £20, (c ): Prot. 50 (50), Pres. 34 (34), Others 2 (2), R.C. 44 (44), (d): a good thatched house, 24' x 20'. £30. Assisted by the London Hibernian Society. Rev. Mr. Pratt, the rector, gives £1-2-6 and Col. Leslie £2-5-6 per ann. Denyhallow (a): Hugh Armstrong (Prot.), (b): not stated, (c ): Prot. 21 (16), Pres. 22 (42), Others 6 (6), R.C. 4 (6), (d): house of stone and lime, 30'x 18'. Wm. Murdock, esq., built the school, aided by a grant of £5 from the Kildare Place Society. Glasslough (a): John Walsh (Prot.), (b): about £10, ©: Prot. 24 (16), Pres. 7 (15), R.C. 3 (3), (d): the guard room of the military store. Derryhallow (a): John McQuaid (R.C.) (b): about £8, (c ): Prot. 2 (2), Pres. (1), R.C. 38 (37), (d): the R.C. chapel. Emyvale (a): Patrick Murphy (R.C.), (b): about £12, (c ): Prot. 7 (7), R.C. 23 (23), (d): a Methodist preaching house. Clincaw (a): Ch. O'Callaghan (R.C.), (b): £8, (c ): Prot. 4 (4), Pres. 16 (16), R.C. 50 (50), (d): a slated schoolhouse, 40' x 9', built by the parish. Glasslough (Ladies' School) (a): Miss Leslie and nine other young ladies. Nine Prot. and one Pres. (b): gratuitous instruction, (c ): Prot. 29 (26), Pres. 16 (21), Others 8 (9), R.C. 43 (46), (d): the market house. This is a Free School. Glasslough (a): Stephen Mulligan (R.C.), (b): about £30, (c ): Prot. 5 (5), Pres. 5 (5), R.C. 7 (7), (d): a room in his own house. Sillis (a): Michael Mullen (R.C.), (b): about £4-1 1-0, (c ): R.C. 42 (42), (d ): house of lime and stone. £5. Tullyree (a): Eliza McClelland (Pres.), (b): about £6, (c ): Prot. 6 (16), Pres. 10 (10), Others 3 (3), R.C. 4 (4), (d): her own house, built of lime and stone. Aghaloghan (a): Mary A. Maguire (Prot.), (b): about £8, ©: Prot. 7 (7), Pres. 9 (9) Others 2 (2), R.C. 21 (21), (d): a room rented in a lodging house. Minmurray (a): Neal Woods (R.C.), (b): about £3-10-0 ( c): -Prot. 7 (7), Pres. 3 (3), R.C. 35 (35), (d): house of mud and stone. £2. Falkland (a): Charles Quinn (Prot.) (b): about £10, (c ): Prot. 18 (20), Pres. 6 (25), R.C. 6 (1 5), (d): house of mud and stone, rent 24/- per ann. Assisted by the London Hibdrnian Society. Rev. Mr. Crookshank, Tyhallon, gives 11sh 4 ½ d per ann. Glasslough (a): Jas. Jeffers (Prot.), (b):about £6-10-0, (c ): Prot. 10 (10), Pres. 4 (2), R.C. 6 (8), (d): the old parish school, built by the late C. P. Leslie, Esq. Ordnasollaum (a): Jas. Meehan (R.C.), (b); about £4, (c ): Prot. 11 (11), Pres. 5 (5), Others 3 (3), R.C. 11 (11), (d): a mudcabin, rent 4d. per. week. Knocknagrave (a): Lce. Trainor (R.C.), (b): about £7, (.C) R.C. 30 (30), (d): a thatched house, in bad repair. £20. Legacurry (a): Owen Grehan (R.C.) (b): about £3 ©: Pres 4 (4), Others 11 (11), R.C.25 (25 (d): a small house, rent 30sh per ann. Lowart (a) Wm. Rainey (Prot) (b) about £5 (c) Prot 8 (10), Pres. 8, Others 7, R.C. 15 (16) (d) A small house, rent £1 per ann. Edenmore (a): Jas McNally (R>C.) (b) Not Stated (c) R.C. 24 (d) Only just opened PARISH OF DONAGHMOYNE Donaghmoyne (a): Thomas Cox (Prot) (b): About £10 ©: Prot. 4(4), R.C. 56 (56) (d): a good slated house £25 The parish school. The rector gives £2 per ann. Annas (a): Charles Murphy (b): about £7 (c ): Prot. 1(1), R.C. 29 (29) (d): cabin Cormoy (a): Arthur Timmins *R.C.) (b): about £12 ©: Prot 2(2); R.C. 30 (30) (d): a thatched house , in bad repair. Drumcotty (a): James McBride (R.C.), (b): about £7, (c ): Prot. 1 (1), R.C. 29 (29), (d): a slated house. £25. Built by the parish. Blackstaff (a): Thomas McCabe (R.C.), (b): about £12, (c ): R.C. 53 (36), (d): a poor cabin. Drumberragh (a): Ml. Callan (R.C.), (b): about £6-10-0, (c ): R>C. 33 (34) (d): a poor cabin. J. E. Shirley, Esq., gives £5 per ann. Rahans (a): The Miss Reeds (Prots.) This is a Free School. . The ladies instruct the poor every Monday, Wednesday and Friday. (b): none, (c ): Prot. (3), R.C. (17), (d): a good house, given by Mr. W. Reed. £60. PARISH OF DRUMSNATT Drumsnatt (a): John Quinn (Prot.), (b): £6-£12, (c ): Prot. 7 (16), II.G 8 (8), (d): a good stated house. £30. The parish school. . Rev. James Fiddis, the rector, gives £2 per ann., and the parish, by act of vestry, £2-5-6 per ann. Drumquil (a): Bernard Boylan (R.C.), (b): about £20, (c ): Prot. 7 (8), Pres. 6, R.C. 37 (60), (d): a thatched house. £30. Skervin (a): John McPhillips (R.C.), (b): about £7, (c ): Prot. (9), Others 7, R.C. 23 (20), )d): a barn, in a state of ruin. Ragh (a): Thomas Boylan (R.C.), (b): about £9, (c ): Prot. 2 R.C. 28 (d): a barn.