Source:  History of Charlestown, NH, the old Fort 4              by Rev. Henry H. Saunderson, Claremont, NH 1876 p.108 In the summer of 1777 not only a large proportion of the citizens of Charlestown were engaged in the military service of the country, but the same was true of many other towns in the County of Cheshire.  When an order came from General Stark, dated Brumley, (Bromley, Vermont, now Peru) August 6, 1777 to Colonel Hunt of Charlestown, "To mount the cannon at No. 4 immediately, and get all the cannon from Walpole brought up to No. 4, and fix them on carriages," Colonel Hunt wrote to the Council of Safety at Exeter the next day, "That so many of the inhabitants of this county are now abroad in the service that it is extremely difficult to hire workmen; nor do I know where it is possible to procure iron; nor can timber that is seasoned and proper for that business be handily got," consequently the mounting of the cannon was postponed. At this time there was a company of volunteers from Charlestown with Stark, under the command of Capt. Abel Walker, which was embraced in Colonel Hobart's regiment, which, we have reason to believe, did good service in the Battle of Bennington, which followed a few days after.  Burgoyne's movements had excited intense interest in all the towns along the Connecticut River.  After the evacuation of Ticonderoga, by our army, most of the militia from New Hampshire who had gone forward to assist in the defense of that fortress, on finding that they could render no service towards that object, immediately returned to No. 4, where a copy of the General's express had preceded them; directing that the militia should be sent to Bennington, towards which the main army had retreated, and where it was proposed that a stand should be made.  After becoming acquainted with the contents of the express, the officers and militia met in a body to consult in relation to what they would do in respect to complying with its direction.  But, on consulta- tion, they all finally concluded to return home and wait till they should receive further orders from the General Court.  Not one company of militia therefore from the state went forward at this time to join the Continental Army. When the militia left for their homes, Charlestown and the other towns similarly situated had no protection whatsoever.  Meantime,the British General in the exposed situation of the frontiers, embraced the opportunity to play upon the feelings of the people, by exciting their fears in every way that lay in his power. He artfully caused rumors to be spread for the purpose of concealing his real intentions; that he was about to make a descent on some point on the Connecticut River, but, designedly that he might create a wider alarm, left the place undesig- nated on  which his veangence might ultimately fall.  Many of the towns on the river, therefore had their fears excited and none more than Charlestown on account of its position, as lying in the war path of the forces of New Hampshire, and on the old military road.  We shall better understand the excitement of the people, by reference to despatches and letters written at that time. "Letters giving warning of the advance of the British troops. from Joel Mathews to General Bailey. Sir: - I have this moment received intelligence from Otter Creek of the motion of the Enemy, viz. That yesterday they were at Rutland and that this day they will be at White's, nine miles this side, with an intent to march to No. 4; also another detachment to march to Cohos.  This intelligence comes by way of Windsor to me.  I have ordered to raise the militia in these parts.  We have sent to Colonel Marsh, who likely will also send to you.  I still wait your orders tho' I shall march what men I can raise to oppose the Enemy.                                  In haste I am sir Your Hum'l Serv't,  Joel Matthews. Gen Bailey Hartford, July 19, 1777 Letter from Beza (Bezaleel) Woodward, Esq. "To the Committees, Military officers and good People of the State of New-Hamp- shire. Post called on me this moment with the Letter from which the above (from Mr. Matthews) is a copy.  As you regard the safety of this Frontier for God's sake come forward without delay.  The bearer's Messrs. Wood and Longfellow are sent for that purpose.  Pleas forward them with dispatch.                                                              Bez Woodward, Clk. Com'tee of Safety for Hanover.           Hanover, Midnight, Saturday night, July 19, 1777. Assembly at Exeter are earnestly requested to send forw'd arms and ammunition for the People in this County as well as men. Capt. Storrs returned home this day.                                                               Beza Woodward, Clk." A similar letter, by Major Francis Smith of Lebanon, was despatched to the Committee of Safety of New-Hampshire, July 20th, 1777, imploring immediate assistance in arms and ammunitions, etc., and Lieutenant Jonathan Freeman of Hanover was despatched as agent to the General Assembly at Exeter to make representation of their case. Colonel John Hurd, July 21st 1777 wrote from Haverhill to Honroable Meshech Weare: "Sir: - We were alarmed yesterday by news from No. 4 that the regular army (British Army) were upon their march towards Connecticut River.  But this afternoon we have seen a copy of another Letter from Strafford, a township lying West of Thetford, opposite Lime, requesting immediate assistance to them, for that one half of the people of that town were gone off to the Regulars.  This seems to be an alarming circumstance as we apprehend these people who have been known to be Tories, some time past, have held correspondence with the Regular Army and know their designs of marching towards the River.  So that now we may most certainly expect a visit from 'em, if our people do not muster strong enough to repel them, which we hope will be the case; for by reports we have, the whole country seems to be highly exasperated, since the unfortunate and unexpected loss of Ticonderoga and its dependencies.  The people in this Quarter are most of them, we trust, spirited to exert themselves all in their power but are much in want of good fire arms.  If there's any fire arms belonging to the state to be spared, a proportionable part ought to be sent this way for the use of Colonel Marcy's Regt. What comes to Cohos may be intrusted to Colonel Johnston and Major Hale on whose care you may depend to distribute them, and take such security from each man as the Committee of Safety shall direct.                                               Sir Y'r most hum'l Serv't,  J. Hurd" To the Hon. Meshech Weare."       Letter from Colonel Jacob Bailey, relating to the same matter,                                                   "Lyme, July 21st, 1777 Gent'n, Sundry Expresses have arrived from Windsor informing of the Enemy pressing towards No. 4 and Coos; and this day we find that about thirty men have deserted from Strafford and Thetford to the enemy which obliges to move at least twenty famililies and at least four hundred cattle and sheep across the River at Lyme; neither can we secure what is left at Strafford without help, unless the militia now raised march to Otter Creek, which if they doi we will operate with them, which will make us secure: - otherwise five hundred men will not be able to guard this River, - beg you will take the matter under your consideration and act therein as you think proper.                             I am Gent'n your very Hum'le Serv't  Jacob Bailey" Walpole and other towns below Charlestown were equally excited.  Colonel Ben- jamin Bellows who had been in the army but had returned home on account of the indisposition of his father, Colonel Bellows, Senior, wrote, on the 13th of July 1777 to the Committee of Safety as follows: "Gentlemen,  You no doubt have heard of the disaster we have met with at the westward; so shall not undertake to give you the Particulars, but to sum it up in short; we have lost all our Stores and Baggage with some of our men, the number I am not able to ascertain.  I shall represent to you something of the distressed situation of our Frontiers, especially of persons who are easily intimidated as well as women and children, - and it is my humble opinion if some resolutions are not adopted and speedily and vigorously carried into execution the people's hearts will fail and conclude it is a gone case; and this part of the country, I fear, will be de- serted and left without anybody to receive hay and grain, etc.  I submit to superior wisdom, as to the best manner to prevent those evils we dread, and hope the most strenuous efforts will be made by Government at this most critical time; and as the inhabitants on the other side of the river, in New York State (now the State of Vermont) would try to keep their ground, if they could in some measure be support- ed, if we could lend them any assistance, it would answer as good a purpose as tho' done to ourselves, as there must be a frontier.  The people of Otter Creek have many of them moved off already.  Should think it best to keep out the frontier in New York State (Vermont) if possible.  By the best information I can get, there is not short of six or seven hundred men above this place on York side of the river that are destitute of fire arms; if there could be any way found to supply them it would answer a good purpose.  I must further inform you that when we retreated from Ticonderoga, that many of the Continental troops, instead of following the Army steared for their homes.           I am, Gentlemen, your very humb'l Servant                                                       Benjamin Bellows. To the Hon'ble Com'tee of Safety."                                           ------------------------------------ To be continued Part 2 Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth

Subject: Waltham Boy Became One of the "Immortal Band" - Revolutionary War Source: Groton Historical Series by Dr. Samuel A. Green Volume I, Chapter XIV, 1887 - from Article in the Boston "Columbian Centinel" Jan 11, 1834. Part 2 of 2 Abraham Childs, A Revolutionary Officer p.17 In 1779 he was appointed to the command of a company of Light Infantry under Major William Hull; and on the 15th of July, as senior captain of the infantry, he headed the assault at the storming of Stoney Point. General Wayne, in order to prevent the possibility of early discovery, ordered the muskets to be unloaded and the flints with- drawn. Advancing thus in solid columns to the assault, they suddenly deployed to the right and left, sprang boldly to the walls, under a murderous fire of grape and musketry from the now aroused Britons, and gained the ramparts with the exulting shout of "Hurrah! the fort is ours!" We have the authority of the late General Hull that the first man who gained the rampart and raised the cry of victory was Capt. Abraham Childs. In the act of parrying a thrust from a British officer, Capt. Childs received a slight wound in the hand, which was the only injury he received through all his campaigns. Soon after this, domestic affairs imperiously calling for his presence, he bade a final adieu to the army. After residing several years in Wendall, he removed in 1795, to Groton, Mass. In 1818 he applied for and received, the half-pay pension. During the remainder of his event- ful life, beloved and respected, he calmly pursued his course, retaining all his faculties and strength to the last, and finally expired - "Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams." >From Dr. Samuel Green's Epitaphs From the Old Burying Ground in Groton, Massachusetts, pub. Boston, 1878: p.180 Tombstone, a monument [North Side] Man lives his little hour and Falls, too oft unheeded down. "Sacred to the Memory of Capt Abram [Abraham] Child who was born at Waltham, 1741 and died at Groton, Jan. 3, 1834, Aged 93 yrs. He entered the army in the French War at the age of 17 yrs. Was with Gen. Amherst at the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point in 1759. he was a lieutenant among the Minute Men and aided in the Concord Fight, and the Battle of Bunker Hill in 1775. "Joining Washington, he was one of the Immortal Band which crossed the Delaware, Dec. 25, 1776, and turned the tide of war, in the Victories of Trenton and Princeton. De- tached to the North, he fought in the two Battles of Still- water and witnessed the surrender of Burgoyne in 1777. Rejoining Washington, he bore equally the Frosts of Valley Forge and the Heats of Monmouth in 1778. Detailed with Gen. Wayne, he crowned his Military career by heading the Infantry as oldest Captain in the gallant capture of Stoney Point in 1779, where he received the only wound that marked his eventful services. Buried with her husband is the body of: Rebecca Stowell His wife died Nov 1830 AEt 84. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth

Subject: Waltham Boy Became One of the "Immortal Band" - Revolutionary War Source: Groton Historical Series by Dr. Samuel A. Green Volume I, Chapter XIV, 1887 - from Article in the Boston "Columbian Centinel" Jan 11, 1834. Part 1 of 2 Abraham Childs, A Revolutionary Officer p.15 Abraham Childs married Rebecca Stowell of Waltham, MA. She died November 14, 1830. He spelled his name CHILDS but his descendants dropped the "s". Biographical Sketch of Capt. Abraham Childs Capt. Abraham Childs died at Groton, MA on Friday, Jan. 3d 1834, aged 93 years. He was born at Waltham, Mass. August 12, 1741. The estate on which he was born had been in the possession of the same family for more than a century. A fact worthy of notice, as evincing the sound judgement and untiring industry, which are peculiar traits of their character. At the age of fifteen, Abraham was apprenticed to a blacksmith with whom he continued two years, when no longer controlling his patriotic ardor, he joined the company of Capt. William Jones of Medford in the regi- ment of Col. Saltonstall of Haverhill, and marched to join the army under Gen. Amherst, appointed to invade Canada. After aiding in the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and being engaged in several skirmishes, he wintered with the army at Crown Point, 1760. Marching in the spring upon Montreal, they were compelled after a severe action at Silsery, to fall back upon Quebec; from whence, finally concentrating their forces under Amherst, upon Montreal, the reduction of Canada was effect- ed, and our soldier enabled to resume his trade, at which he continued until 1762, when he again entered the service under Capt. William Baldwin of Chelmsford, of Col. Hoar's regiment, marched to Boston, took shipping to Halifax and thence sailed to aid in the reduction of some French posts in the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Upon the accomplishment of which, returning to Halifax, he there spent the winter, working at his trade. At the peace of 1763 he returned home. In 1767 he married Rebecca Stowell of Waltham. In 1774 when the Provincial Congress deemed it necessary to organ- ize more thoroughly a military force, he was appointed lieu- tenant of Capt. Abijah Childs' company of 'Minute Men.' In the following year he warmly engaged in the pursuit of the English at the battle of Lexington. Then entering the States' service for eight months as lieutenant of Capt. J. Williams' company, in Col. Baldwin's regiment, was at the battle of Bunker Hill. At the expiration of his time he enlisted for another year. Washington's Immortal Band After the evacuation of Boston, he marched to New York and suffered at the defeat of Long Island in the summer of 1776. Retreating with the main army through the Jerseys, into Pennsylvania, he was one of that 'determined band,' which, headed by Washington, resolved to turn the current of success, or perish ere their country's chains were rivet- ed. Victory at Trenton crowning their endeavor, our soldier returned home with the rank of Captain in Colonel Western's regiment. In 1777 he took command of 300 men, whom he had assisted in recruiting, and joined General Gates in time to aid at the capture of Burgoyne. Returning to the main army, he passed the winter at Valley Forge, where he endured hard- ships. The following summer he thoroughly warmed himself at Monmouth. To be continued Part 2 of 2 Transcribed by Janice Farnsworth

Does anyone have this cd that they could lookup Nathaniel Gallup for me? According to the Family Finder Index he is supposed to be there.

Dear John, that was a great tribute to an American Hero. I have printed it out and folded it into my just recently acquired 'Bicentennial Edition' of "Lafayette in America" by Louis Gottschalk, a leatherbound great piece of literature I am proud to own. Cheers, John Merz. From: <jr@jrshelby.com> Sent: Monday, October 15, 2001 6:22 AM From: John Robertson -------------------- Lafayette's Image Still Looms in D.C. -------------------- WASHINGTON -- In the summer of 1824, an aging French aristocrat with a legendary passion for liberty crossed the Atlantic and went on the road. The return to America of Marie Jean Paul Joseph Roche Yves Gilbert du Motier, the Marquis de Lafayette, soon became a legend all its own.

From: John Robertson -------------------- Lafayette's Image Still Looms in D.C. -------------------- By LAWRENCE L. KNUTSON Associated Press Writer October 15, 2001, 5:42 AM EDT WASHINGTON -- In the summer of 1824, an aging French aristocrat with a legendary passion for liberty crossed the Atlantic and went on the road. The return to America of Marie Jean Paul Joseph Roche Yves Gilbert du Motier, the Marquis de Lafayette, soon became a legend all its own. Over the next 14 months, Lafayette traveled thousands of miles and visited all 24 states. After an absence of 40 years he was thronged, feasted and endlessly toasted throughout. Lafayette mania ruled America. There were reasons Americans longed to salute the 67-year-old Frenchman they quickly dubbed "The Nation's Guest." The 50th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence was rapidly approaching. Lafayette was the last surviving general officer of the American Revolution and a steady advocate of its ideals before his death in 1834. As a young volunteer in 1776 he had poured his own fortune into the cause. Many saw him as a living link to George Washington who had admired and virtually adopted the young Frenchman. Cannon salutes roared out from the moment Lafayette landed in New York City. Small boys climbed trees to see him. Ladies waved white handkerchiefs as he passed. There were parading soldiers, illuminations, banners, bonfires, triumphal arches and countless reunions with grizzled but enthusiastic revolutionary veterans. "There was, in fact, no town where Lafayette was not anxiously awaited, no state which could bear to miss his visit," one biographer wrote. Arriving in Washington, the general was ushered into the rotunda of the Capitol while cannon boomed outside and thousands of people "rent the air with acclamations of joy and welcome." At a dinner that evening Lafayette delighted his hosts with the toast: "The City of Washington, the central star of the constellation which enlightens the whole world." There was gold amid the glitter. Aware that the French Revolution and the wars that followed had drained Lafayette's fortune, Congress voted him $200,000 and 25,000 acres of federal land in Florida. Being Congress, it couldn't quite do it without debate. Sen. Nathaniel Macon of North Carolina said that, while it was true Lafayette had spent much money in the service of the United States, so had many native-born Americans. That was no reason not to compensate Lafayette, Sen. Robert Hayne of South Carolina replied. Hayne calculated that in the six years beginning in 1776, Lafayette had spent $140,000 of his own money in the service of the United States, a total that easily reached $200,000 when interest was added. "He put shoes on the feet of your barefoot and suffering soldiery," Hayne cried. "He spent his fortune on you, he shed his blood for you; and without acquiring anything but a claim upon your gratitude he impoverished himself." The bill passed the Senate, 37-7. President James Monroe quickly signed it into law. Lafayette accepted with the thanks "of an old American soldier and adopted son of the United States -- two titles dearer to my heart than all the treasures of the world." He quickly sold most of the Florida land. The old general revisited the battlefield at Yorktown, stood silently before Washington's tomb at Mount Vernon and was Thomas Jefferson's guest at Monticello. "They flew into the arms of each other," one newspaper reported. On his travels Lafayette witnessed an American presidential election in which Monroe was succeeded by John Quincy Adams. He was called upon for every imaginable service: giving away brides at weddings, laying cornerstones, presenting trophies for prize pigs and cattle. He traveled south to Charleston, Savannah and New Orleans, then journeyed up the Mississippi to St. Louis and pressed on to Cincinnati, Pittsburgh, Buffalo and Boston -- a distance of more than 5,000 miles for that leg of the trip alone. "What a journey!" a Baltimore journal enthused. A souvenir industry grew up in Lafayette's wake. It produced a cascade of sheet music, portraits, commemorative plates, bottles, jewelry and medals of all descriptions. Towns and counties in at least 26 states named themselves for Lafayette or for LaGrange, his home in the French countryside. The park across from the White House was renamed Lafayette Square. And the House of Representatives accepted a full-length portrait of the old general. After 177 years the painting remains in the House chamber flanking the speaker's chair. ___ EDITOR'S NOTE -- Lawrence L. Knutson has covered the White House, Congress and Washington's history for 34 years. Copyright (c) 2001, The Associated Press -------------------- This article originally appeared at: http://www.newsday.com/news/nationworld/wire/sns-ap-the-nations-guest1015oct15.story Visit Newsday online at http://www.newsday.com

Very nice collectible, Anne, thank you very much...saved all 4 parts to diskette. Janice Farnsworth

Final installment. Encounters with Revengeful Countrymen after Close of War I used frequently to ride over to my Father's in the night and ride back the next evening after dark, and one evening returning I had an opportunity of revenging myself on one of those fellows who had, during the war, abused my Father. I rode alongside of him and with a good hunting whip lashed him every step to his door, and then rode on. He never knew who was the person, neither did I mention it until twenty years after, when I paid a visit to Danbury, and passing through the street saw him and mentioned the circumstance to my Brother. As soon as my wife had so far recovered as to be removed, I took her to my Father's house, where I left her and set off for Long Island. Landed at Cold Spring, where I waited for some days for the arrival of a vessel from New York for St. John, New Brunswick, on board of which I took passage. We put in to Annapolis to land a Mr. Young and his family; stayed two days and then sailed over to St. John, where the Loyalists had already thickly hutted themselves, and here I met with many of my old acquaintances which I had left at Charleston when I left there for St. Augustine, and here again I met the Officers of the Queen's Rangers, who were about to take up their land above Fredericton, eighty miles up the St. John River, to which place I repaired the first opportunity, which was by a boat belonging to Captain Whillock, of the Rangers, who had taken up his residence at Gage Town, thirty miles below Fredericton, from this I travelled by land most of the way in company with a Mr. Simmons from Staten Island. On our arrival at Fredericton we put up at a small Inn, kept by one Betts, and in the evening two officers came in and remained until a late hour. Mr. Simmons and myself ordered supper and something to drink. We had some moose stake which we found very palatable, and went to bed. The next morning the landlord presented us with a bill, charging us with the supper for the two others, besides all that was drunk, and gave a reason that we had ordered supper and called for spirits, etc. which was drunk. We paid the bill and left his house; before leaving St. John a Lieutenant Hoyt, one of my old Carolina acquaintances, had iven me the keys to his house, and desired me to take possession, and remain there until his arrival. I did so, and in a day or two he arrived; with him I stayed until I left Fredericton. I then set about procuring a town lot, and engaged a person to build me a house, and have it ready against the next spring. I then returned to St. John where I remained for some time, and whilst there assisted my relation Mr. Jarvis (who had a hardware store) until my departure. In the meantime, I drew for the first time my half-pay bill, which I got cashed, allowing a discount, of I think, nine per cent. As this was the first period, the merchants were loth to pay cash for half-pay bills. Loyalists flee to Canada to Escape Taunts and Assaults Mr. Jarvis and his Brother Samuel had a vessel going to New York, and after purchasing a few quintals of codfish I embarked on board of this vessel and sailed, and in passing through Long Island the vessel came to anchor, and landed me and my baggage at Stamford. We had made a short stay at Rhode Island on our way. I landed early in the morning, and after breakfast hired a horse and set off to find my wife. I had got in a short distance of my Brother'' when my horse fell and broke his shoulder blade. I took off my saddle and bridle after turning him into a field by the permission of the Owner; took my saddle on my back until I could procure another horse, then rode to my Brother's, changed horses with him and rode on to Newtown, where I had the happiness of finding both wife and daughter in good health. After visiting our friends at Newtown, and paying a short visit at Danbury, I took up my winter quarters at my Brother's in Reading. Here I was very politely visited by all the most respectable people on the place, and amused myself by riding about the country during the winter when I could leave home. In the Autumn both myself, wife and young infant were nearly blind with inflammation in our eyes for a long time, which made our situation exceedingly unpleasant, having no servants to attend us. In this manner we worried through the winter, and when the spring commenced began to make preparations for removing to New Brunswick, and about the 1st of May embarked on board a vessel called the Sholdram, with several other families for the same place. Some of the passengers made it very unpleasant, but as this is not very interesting to the reader, I shall avoid mentioning them, and confine myself to such matters as concern myself and family. On the 15th of June, 1785, I landed at Fredericton with a wife, one child and a guinea only in my pocket, with one year's half-pay to draw for, and with this I had provided for our future existence. Government allowed the soldiers and refugees three years' rations, and even with the bounty many families suffered greatly for the want of provisions, and had not the forests abounded with moose, many families would have perished. I took with me from St. John a small assortment of goods advanced me by my friend Mr. Jarvis, with which I commenced business, and with this small supply I arrived at Fredericton, but found that the timber of which my house was to have been built was still growing. This put us to great inconvenience, and I was obliged to hire a small hovel, for which I gave ten pounds rent, but here we fount it impossible to remain, for the proprietor had during the preceeding winter made a ceiling of slabs and bark overlaid with plaster or mortar or clay, and which he had disturbed in the spring so that every wind that blew our floor was covered with dirt. In this situation we were obliged to live for several weeks before I could possibly find another place to shelter us from the heat. The only difference in the two houses was that we could eat our food without quite so much dirt as in our first habitation. I commenced building, and in October we got into our new house, and thought ourselves as happy as princes. Life of Exiled Americans under Flag of British Empire Nothing of any particular interest happened for many years. I went on a progressive way, building and adding to my convenience. I was of an ambitious disposition and fond of Military life, and held during the time I remained in the Providence, from the year 1785 until the year 1809, the following commissions in the Militia, viz., Captain, Major, Major of Brigade, Deputy Adjutant General, and Lieutenant Colonel, independent of the office of Postmaster, and for sixteen years the great part of the summer was employed in disciplining the Militia of the county, without any other remuneration than the thanks of the governor, with great promises, but his leaving the Province all those expectations failed, and altho I made a good deal of money and acquired some considerable property, I left the Province with the loss of about 3,000 pounds, and only brought to Upper Canada a little upwards of Seven Hundred Pounds, with a family of a wife and six children. About the year 1807 an action took place between one of our ships of war and the American ship Chesapeake, and it appeared to me that war would ensue between the two Governments, and I offered my services in case the Militia should be called into actual service, which offer was thankfully accepted, but when it was found necessary to embody the Militia, the command was given to another person. This so far excited my resentment that I immediately made up my mind to quit the Province, and made a visit to Upper Canada. I was well received by the Governor and such promises held out to me that I returned to New Brunswick and commenced closing my accounts and settling my affairs in order for removal the next spring. It was with some difficulty that I could prevail upon my family to consent to emigrate, but after some negotiations between the Secretary of the Province and myself, at the directions of the Lieutenant Governor (Gore) they at last consented and we left Fredericton on the 30th of June, 1809. We traversed the waters of the St. John in birch canoes, lying on the beach where there were no inhabitants, much disturbed with gnats and mosquitoes at night, and crossing the portage from the waters of St. John to the St. Lawrence, thirty-six miles, most up to our knees, and black flies to annoy us. We at last encountered all our difficulties, and reached Quebec all in good health, except one daughter who had become the wife of Major Maule of the 104 Regiment, whom I had left behind; after remaining a week, we proceeded to Montreal where we remained one week longer, providing ourselves with such necessaries as would be necessary for commencing housekeeping. We again set off in a battcase for Kingston. We were fourteen days on our passage to Kingston. I applied to the Quarter Master General and was ordered a passage in one of his Majesty's armed vessels, and arrived at New York on the 28th of August, and took possession of a house which had already been purchased for me, and began to make ourselves comfortable. I engaged a public office at 100 pounds per annum until I could look about, and get a location of land, for myself 1200 acres, and for my son, the only one of age, 400, on which he began to improve. The purchase of my house and furniture and the payment of fees for our land had exhausted all my ready money, and I had only my 100 pounds and my half-pay for the support of my family until the Americans declared war against the British Government and invaded Canada. Experiences during the Second War with England in 1812 There was a young man by the name o Thomas (I dined with him in New York in August 1830) who had been at York for two or three years as a merchant, and who wished to accept of General Brock's proclamation and return to the States. I was recommended to him as a fit person to take charge of his property, for which he was to allow me 125 pounds out of the proceeds, and with which and the other commission business I was enabled to support my family comfortably during the war. I was again appointed Adjutant General of the Militia, and was employed as such until York was taken by the enemy. My two sons were also in the service, one a volunteer in the 49th and the other at the head of the Waggon Department. The volunteer was taken prisoner at the battle of Queenstown, where General Brock fell. My son was exchanged in a few days and soon after obtained his commission in the 8th Regiment, in which he served during the war. Went home with the Regiment and was reduced to half-pay. He is now a lawyer and settled at Cornwall. Last Days of American who Never became Reconciled to Independence After York was taken and myself a prisoner, I was dismissed from my Military duty and applied myself to business as a Commission Broker, and in this I succeeded very well, and had I continued in that business only I should have done very well, but finding myself in possession of 500 pounds in money, I was advised to go to Montreal and open correspondence and commence business on my own account, and if the war had continued I should have done well. I had obtained a credit for any amount that should order. The Peace of 1815 left a very large supply of goods on hand, and the depreciation was of such extent that I was obliged to sell my house and all my real property to get out of debt, and at the close of war I was reduced to my half-pay only for the support of my large family. At the departure of Governor Gore from the Province, Colonel Smith, an old friend of mine came to the administration of the Government, and the Registry of the Home District becoming vacant, he gave me the commission. This augmented my income to 150 pounds per year, and my youngest son got into the Secretary's Office at 100 pounds and afterwards at 150 pound per annum, which added together a little more than 300 pound per annum. He purchased a town lot and built a comfortable house and we lived together until the year 1825, when his health became very alarming, and it became necessary that he should change a mode of life. I, therefore, consented to resign my office in his favor, but this was objected to, and he afterwards made a proposal to the Sheriff to exchange the Sheriffry for the Registry, which was acceeded to by the Governor. I resigned my office, and my son is the High Sheriff. My Daughter has lately married to a worthy Clergyman with a large family. My youngest Daughter is now with her Sister Maule in France. Her Brother, the Sheriff, allows her the same yearly that she had from myself. He is also married and very comfortably settled. I am reduced to half-pay, and now spend my time moving about from one child's house to another. Am blessed so far with a strong constitution and good health, and I hoe making preparations for another and better world. There my fair friend, I have given you a rough sketch of an eventful life, and in doing so I have confined myself to such matter as immediately concerns myself. I might relate many circumstances which were very interesting to myself, but in which you would take no interest, and I fear your patience will be exhausted before you get through these pages. Such as they are, they are much at your service, with this information that they are confined to your own family, and as it is wrote without glasses, and considering my advanced age, you will pardon all its defects. Transcribed by Anne Sennish >From The Journal of American History, 1st volume, 4th number Published by the Associated Publishers of American Records, Inc. in the Ancient Municipality of New Haven, Commonwealth of Connecticut, in Quarterly Art Editions, four books to the volume at Two Dollars annually, Fifty Cents a copy. Compiled in Collaboration with the Connecticut Magazine Protected by copyright and Printed from press of the Dorman Lithographing Company Publication entered at the Post Office at New Haven as mail matter of the second class Nineteen Hundred and Seven Found in an old magazine which had belonged to my grandfather. I think we had some of this story on the List not long ago. Regret not having the first installment! Anne

Soldier's Joy when the War is Over – Going Home I shall leave the reader to judge of the extacy and the joy that filled our breasts. Immediately preparation were set on foot for our marriage. We were to have been united at the altar of an Episcopal Church, by a clergyman of that Church, an Uncle of my Mother's , but in this we were disappointed, for the next day all our happiness was marred. The day after my arrival an old servant of my Father's, who in my youth had labored in the fields with me (he was a warmhearted Irishman) his name was Wilson; he came to inform me that a body of men were coming to mob me, and urged me to be on my guard. I treated this information lightly, but soon after an American soldier requested to see me and gave the same account. This alarmed me a little, and I began to think of the best mode of defending myself. At this moment another person announced himself as the Brother of a Lieutenant Hunt of our Army, and wished me to convey a letter to his Brother of my return to New York. Nothing could be more pleasing to me; Lieutenant Hunt was a particular friend of mine. We had fought in the same field together, and we had spent many pleasant hours with each other. I was all politeness to this stranger, shook him cordially by the hand, asked him to take a glass of wine (we had dined). He then asked me if I did not remember him. I answered in the negative. He said that he had been my prisoner; I asked him where. He said at Pound Ridge at such a time and place. I replied, yes, I remember, I came up at a critical moment. "Yes, you no doubt saved my life, but your men had robbed him of his baggage, and I expect you to pay me for it." Oh, your most obedient, I find your relationship to my friend Lieutenant Hunt (which you say is your name) amounts only to the price of your baggage. Good-bye to you Sir, I am much engaged, you will excuse me, and left the room, and returned to mine above stairs, and began to prepare for action. Whilst I was engaged with Hunt, my Father had walked out into the street. It was a day of muster day with the Militia, who were just dismissed. My Father soon returned, much agitated, and said, "Son, they are really coming and God knows what will be the result." I then desired every person to leave the room. Miss Glover, good-bye, I can die—in no place more honorably than this—you shall see that I can die bravely; I have lived honorably and I will die gloriously; remember me to my Brother Officers. I thrust them all out of the room and shut the door. Home-coming of American who Fought in the British Lines. In a moment the house was filled with armed men, who demanded to see me. They said, "they did not intend injurying me," but I must "show myself." This was joy to my family, and one of my sisters ran to my room (now Mrs. Hitchcock) desiring me to come down. I desired her to retire and leave me—during this bustle and confusion my Brother had informed a Colonel Jamison (he had a squadron of Dragoons under his command) of the perilous situation in which I was placed, but in the meantime I had complied with the request of my family and went down amongst the assembled mob, some of which spoke in mild and peacable language; others in a very threatening and hostile manner. I however showed a determined and resolute spirit and replied to their demands, that from their declaration I had placed myself in their hands, and that I was now in their power, and if they presumed to injure me that a tenfold retaliation would be made on some of their friends who were then in New York enjoying the protection of the British Army, and pursueing their private business agreeable to the Treaty of )Peace, and under the Treaty I demanded the same protection from them. By this time colonel Jamison had sent a Sargeant and twelve Dragoons with orders to protect me from every insult. Loyalist Mobbed by Townsmen on Night of His Wedding This circumstance rather checked their hostile disposition, and the authority arriving, I was under no apprehension of immediate danger, yet nothing would satisfy them but an immediate departure from the town, and if I remained during the night I must abide the consequence. The greatest part of the rabble left the house, yet there was several who seemed determined to watch my movements, as if determined to do me some injury. It was at last proposed to my Father that the best mode to quell the mob would be to have our marriage take place that evening,, and after some urgency with Miss Glover, she at last consented. A clergyman was sent for, we retired to a room with a select party of our friends, and we were united, after which the mob dispersed and had left us (with our guard of honor) to our night's repose. In the morning however I was again disturbed by a visit from the Sheriff. Hunt had procured a warrant against me for the price of his portmanteau, and the Sheriff had made a forcible entry into my bedchamber. I met him with such a determined and threatening attitude that in his retreat he tumbled from the head of the staircase to the bottom. He then selected a posse—and surrounded the house. My guard had after daylight, returned to their quarters, but were ordered again to return but they again assumed their station inside the house at a proper time for rising. I made my appearance at the window of my bedchamber, spoke to the persons outside, who seemed to look rather ill-natured. I threw them a dollar, desired they would get something to drink the Bride's health, which they did, and before they had finished the bottle I had won them all to my side. Quelling Irate Patriots by Drinking Health to Bride "I was a d—d cleaver fellow; I had got one of the best of women for a wife in the world; that I was deserving of her, and that they would defend us as long as they had a drop of blood in their veins." Mr. Sheriff seeing this, retired and left me in peace, and we sat comfortably down to our breakfast; soon, however, the mob began to collect in the lower part of the street, and it was advisable that I should leave the place. I, therefore, exchanged my uniform coat for one of my Brother's, stepped out of the back door, crossed the field, where my Brother met me with a horse, which I mounted and rode out of town, and proceeded to the house where I had parted from Miss Glover seven years before, and where she joined me the next day. I remained here but a short time, and then returned to New York, and made my report in writing to his Aid-de-Camp. Assaults Upon British Sympathizers in First Days of Republic Soon after this a party of friends from Stamford, Connecticut, and a few in New York, agreed to meet on one of the Islands between those places and spend the day. It consisted of ladies and gentlemen from both places, and myself among the number. We were conveyed in one of our whale boats commanded by a Captain Hubbell; we met our friends, and after spending the day, we were prevailed on to go to Stamford for the night, assuring us that we should not be molested, but in the morning a mob collected, fell upon our boat's crew, beat them unmercifully, and threatened us also, and particularly Mr. William Jarvis (late Secretary of Upper Canada) who was a native of that place. As I was a stranger to them I took the task of appeasing their wrath, and to allow us to go off peaceably, as it was the fault of the people of the place that we had visited them, and particularly as the ladies were much alarmed, and one of them in fits. Our crew had fell down to the mouth of the harbor and we were obliged to walk, and in many places to carry the ladies in our arms, sometimes in mud and water up to our knees. [Aren't we all wondering where the new Mrs. Jarvis is? Anne.] Soon after we had left the town, they found out that my name was Jarvis also, and Cousin to the other Jarvis, and they swore vengeance at me and set off after us. We saw them coming; we placed the ladies on a dry piece of ground, and prepared for battle. There were five gentlemen of us, Captain Hubbell, two British Officers besides my Cousin and myself. We drew up in battle array and waited the attack. They came within about one hundred yards, when their hearts failed them and they retired. We gained our boat and after being out all night reached New York the next morning at sunrise, but we took care not to let this be known at Headquarters. An American Soldier's Farewell to his Comrades off for England In a few weeks after this my wife joined me, and I got quarters in a house at Brushwick, where we remained for about three weeks. I applied for my rations, but as that was contrary to the established rules of the Army, and not receiving any letters from the Paymaster of the Regiment as to how I should draw on him for my pay, I made up my mind to join my Regiment. My wife wished me to take her with me, but I had witnessed too much distress of other Officer's wives, and however painful it was to again be separated, I positively refused. I wrote to my Father, who came down to New York and took her home under his care, and I embarked for St. Augustine. Had I remained one week longer I might have saved myself the trouble and expense of a very long and boisterous voyage, as a gentleman arrived at New York with my despatches necessary for every purpose which was contemplated on my leaving the Regiment. After a passage of five weeks, and the whole time a gale of wind—I had only to encounter the danger of the sea—I was the only passenger on board. The Master was a very pleasant fellow and the ship was well found, and we weathered the gale, and at last got safe on shore, and when I landed the fleet was in sight to take the Troops on board, as by the Treaty of Peace, St. Augustine was to be given up to the Spaniards. Every preparation was now making for our departure, and about the beginning of October we sailed for Halifax in Nova Scotia, where we arrived after a passage of fifteen days; boisterous weather the whole passage. Here the Regiment was disbanded and their place of destination for the Regiment was Country Harbour, to the Eastward of Halifax, somewhere in the Girt of Canso. Here I took leave of a set of as brave fellows as ever existed, which I had led in many hard fought battles, and who were as much attached to me as children to their Father. So much so when I left them they carried me in their arms to the vessel in which I took my passage for New York. A British Adherent's Interview With Washington after the War I arrived at Sandy Hook the day the British Army left New York. The question with me was, shall I, or shall I not proceed; or shall I go back to Halifax? At last I determined to proceed; I must go some time and the sooner the better. So I proceeded to the City and made my appearance at General Washington's Headquarters, and reported myself to General Hamilton. I was directed to call the next morning at nine o'clock. I then began to look out for some of my old acquaintances, but none could I find. All were gone. I at last however fell in with two ladies of my acquaintance, one of them a relation, and after I had engaged quarters for the night, I went and spent the evening with them, and returned to the lodging house, where I found a whole room of merchants and other persons from the country. I took a chair and sat down amongst them. They were commenting on the late war, the conduct of their several Generals, and frequently referred to me. I gave my opinion candidly, which by their reply did not accord with their sentiments. I soon called for a servant to light me to bed, and in leaving the room I said, "Gentlemen, I believe you have mistaken my character, I am a British Officer instead of an American!! Good-night," and left the room and retired to my chamber; there were two beds and I made choice of one, and went to bed. I had not fallen asleep when the door opened and two men in earnest conversation entered, one saying to the other, "d—n the fellow, how he twiged us; who the devil thought him a British Officer; how he got into all our secrets." "Hush!" said the other , pointing to my uniform at the head of my bed. They blew out the candle and went to bed in the dark—never spoke again to my hearing during the night, and in the morning left the room before I was awake—I never saw them after. The next morning at the hour stated I made my appearance, and was introduced to the Great General Washington. He asked me many questions and returned mine with great civility. I asked him for a passport to go into the country. This he refused, having the day before given up his command, but gave me advice how to proceed—I made my bow and retired. Strong Feeling of Animosity against those who Opposed Independence After a day or two residence in New York, where I was saluted by the soldiers as some General Officer of theirs, and supplying myself with a stock of tea and sugar for the winter, I left New York and proceeded into the country, and at Reading in Connecticut I found my wife, who had been on a visit at my Brother's for some time. I found her "as women wish to be who love their Lord." After a short stay, we went to Danbury, where I took up my quarters for the winter. Early in the spring I was again threatened. I took horse and rode to Middletown to see my Uncle, the late Bishop of Connecticut, where I remained for a few days and then returned, but kept myself rather confined. I paid a visit with my Mother to a Brother of hers, a Clergyman of the Presbyterian persuasion. Here we stayed for some time and then returned. I was discovered returning to my Father's and in the evening I got an order sent me in writing to depart or abide the consequence. A few days afterwards a Cousin, also a British Officer, came to pay a visit at my Father's and he was imprudent to appear in his full uniform. We walked out to see a Sister of mine, and after dinner he took his departure. That night my Father's house was attacked, and forcibly entered. I rose from my bed, got my drawers and one stocking on, when I heard the front door give way. I took my pistols and took my stand in the middle of the floor, determined to kill the first man that should approach us. My Father begged of me to flee. I had no time to lose. I flew from one room to another, found all the windows guarded. They had entered the house. They met my Father, knocked him down, flew to my bedroom, turned my wife out of bed, and much injured her. I had no place left but the cellar for safety; to this I fled. My Father recovered his feet, and ran into the Street, he one way and my Sister another, calling out Murder!! Soon the town was alarmed and relief obtained. The Magistrates and others assembled, and after remaining some time in the cellar, the mob dispersed, and I was relieved from my unpleasant situation. My Mother and Wife suffered much in defending the cellar door before relief arrived. They were black and blue from the blows they received. I dressed myself and went to a friend's house and went to bed. I was much indebted to a Major Lawrence for my safety. He came armed, brought some others with him, and he had the influence to draw off the mob, and afterwards would not go to his house until he found where I had returned to, and having heard where I had spent the evening, he repaired to the house and found me in a comfortable repose—he then left me. I remained there the whole day, and the next night slept at a neighbor's house a few doors from my Father, and the evening following moved out of town, and took lodgings once more at the place where I fled to the year before, and here I remained until after my wife was confined with her first child, now Mrs. Phillips. It was several months before my wife recovered in consequence of the injury sustained by the mob. She came very near losing her life during her illness. More to come Transcribed by Anne Sennish

Exchanging Captured Officers under a Flag of Truce In a short time there was an exchange between Captain Keen and Captain Armstrong and they returned each to their respective Armies. Captain Keen's account of the matter after Captain Armstrong's letter was read in the American Camp, I shall forbear to mention, and I regret being obliged to say so much of myself in relating this transaction. The next time our Regiment was engaged, Captain Campbell was killed, and it was said purposely threw away his life in this action. I was not with the Regiment. I was detached on James Island with a Troop of Dragoons, under the command of Major Craig. (Afterwards Sir James Craig.) After I again joined the Regiment, we had another brush with the Americans at Monks' Corner, where we got completely defeated. It was an attempt to surprise a party at this post, but they got intelligence of our approach, and gave us a complete drubbing. We lost one Captain killed, one Captain, two Subalterns and several men wounded, without injuring a single man of the enemy. They had so completely fortified themselves that having no Infantry with us we could not approach them and had to receive their fire without being able to return it, and we returned to our encampment not very well satisfied with our defeat, altho no disgrace to either Officer or soldier. Plundering Rich Plantations in the Southern States About this time a Colonel Thompson (afterwards Count Rumford) arrived from England on his way to join his Regiment at New York. He was ordered to take command of the whole Cavalry, and we had one severe brush with the enemy under his command. We surprised a party in the evening, killed and took a good many prisoners, and the next morning fell in with another large body of the enemy, which we defeated, and drove many of them into the Santee, where both men and horses were drowned. We returned to Camp with (I think) upwards of seventy prisoners. I do not again recollect of being engaged with the enemy during the war. We did indeed after make excursions into the country for the purpose of plundering the plantations of those rich planters, who, after Charleston fell into our hands, had received their Oath of Allegiance, and again had joined the American Army. Difficulties of British Soldiers in Getting their Pay Our Regiment had been now nearly a year on actual service without receiving any pay, and those of Captain Campbell's Troop had not received all their bounty, and consequently it fell to my lot to make out the Abstract of the Troop, receive the money and settle with the men, some of which were much in my dept for necessaries found them, as Captain Campbell in his lifetime imposed that duty on me. Major Fraser, who was a knowing chap, was sensible that from death and other casualties, there would be a good deal of pukings (an Army phrase) and he was resolved to take that himself, and had given orders to Paymaster Hatton to pay Officers commanding Troops agreeable to their present strength only. Hatton and myself were on the best footing and he gave me this information, contrary to the directions he had received from Major Fraser. I only requested of Hatton to let me know when he went to the pay office for the money, and not to go when I was on duty, so as not to be able to attend him immediately on his return with the money. This he did, and immediately on his arrival, and before the Major got intelligence of i t I had my Abstract ready and as Commanding Officer and Paymaster of the Troop demanded the amount of the whole Abstract, and as he knew it was my right, paid me the whole amount, which I took and secured in my trunk. I soon had a visit from the Major, but as he found I was as old a soldier as himself, and knew how far I could resist a claim that would not expose me to Military control, he left me to my repose and contented himself in duping the rest of the Officers in what was their right, and robbing them of about 800 pounds. We were not so good friends after, altho he did not show any great resentment. Gambling and Dissipation in the King's Ranks in America I should be glad that I could throw a veil over the rest of my Military career, but justice demands that I should give a minute detail of all my future transactions. Know then, that I fell into all kinds of dissipation, gambling the most prominent, and I continued in that dissipated course of life as long as my money lasted, which amounted to upwards of three hundred guineas. I was left at the close of the war as destituted of money as when I entered the Army, except my half pay, at the reduction of the Regiment in 1783. Towards the end of 1782 the South Carolina, the North Carolina and Georgia Regiments were ordered to Saint Augustine in East Florida to garrison that place and to release a Battalion of the 60th Regiment, and soon after our arrival I, as the eldest subaltern of our Regiment, and as our Regiment was first for a Command, I was ordered by General McArthur to take possession of a small fort twenty miles from St. Augustine, and to defend it to the last moment if I could be attacked by the Spaniards, as was expected at that time. I took three pieces of ordinance with me, with Artillery men sufficient to man them, with the assistance of the soldiers of the Regiment, which amounted to twenty-five rank and file, two officers, who were prisoners on parole, a Lieutenant Cornwell of our Regiment, and a Lieutenant Campbell (afterwards Fort Major at Niagara) went with me as companions. I found some difficulty in mounting my cannon for the want of spars, and finding two old masts on the shore, I made use of them, and mounted my cannon, and finding they were private property I returned them to the place I found them, and remained satisfied that I had done nothing wrong. The two gentlemen remained with me for a fortnight, and we spend the time very agreeably until one morning in our sporting Lieutenant Campbell received a wound from a fish called Simgarie, something like a turtle, except a long tail, the end of which is barbed, and you often find many of these at low water. Mr. Campbell placed his foot on one of them, when he received a wound in the ankle bone from a stroke of this fish, and the barb remained in his ankle, by which he was a long time confined. Warriors Fishing in Florida while Revolution waged in North I remained at this post for a month, when I was relieved and joined my Regiment, at St. Augustine, where the morning after my arrival I had a visit from the Sheriff in an action of damages for taking the spars as above related. The Owner, however, did not think proper to pursue his action and I heard nothing of it afterwards. During the rest of my stay in this garrison our duty was light, and balls, plays and gallanting the ladies took up the greatest part of my time, for I had to live very economically to refund the money I had spent belonging to the soldiers in gambling. This I succeeded in doing, but it left me moneyless at the close of the war. In the month of April, 1783, peace was declared, at St. Augustine, and I obtained a leave of absence and sailed for New York, where I arrived on the 9th of May, and made application to Commander-in-Chief (now Lord Dorchester) to visit my friends in Danbury, and to fulfill my engagement with Miss Glover, which had been unavoidably prevented for the last seven years. His Lordship refused me leave until I could obtain permission from the American government, as some of our Officers had gone into the country, and had been very injuriously treated. I, therefore, wrote to my Father, who made application, and obtained a permit for me, which was signed by all the respectable inhabitants of Danbury, and one of my Brothers came to New York for the purpose of accompanying me back. Our meeting was such as you may conceive between Brothers who had been separated for so many years. We left New York and arrived at my Father's on the 20th of April, 1783, Danbury, Connecticut. It is impossible to describe my feelings on again embracing those who had always been so dear to me. Immediately on my arrival, my Father sent for Miss Glover, who happened to be in town. More to come Transcribed by Anne Sennish

AN AMERICAN'S EXPERIENCE IN THE BRITISH ARMY Manuscript of Colonel Stephen Jarvis, Born in 1756, Revealing the Life of the Loyalists who Refused to Renounce their Allegiance to the King and fought to Save the Western Continent in the British Empire ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT NOW IN POSSESSION OF HONORABLE CHARLES MAPLES JARVIS Descendant of Colonel Jarvis and Member of Many American Learned and Patriotic Societies There are many interesting anecdotes told of the Americans who, while devoted to their country, were opposed to the Declaration of Independence, and believed that this country could not exist without the protection of the British Crown. It was the first great political problem in America, and divided many families. The Jarvis family in New England differed in their opinions but their sense of justice and loyalty to kin as well as country was such that they did not allow it to disrupt their domestic harmony. Colonel Stephen Jarvis, whose remarkable life story has recently been discovered in manuscript, and is being presented in these pages, disagreed with some of his relatives as to the holiness of the American Revolution. After seven years' service in the King's army, he preferred not to remain in the new Republic, and removed to Canada. The colonel frequently visited his relatives in the United States and good-naturedly taunted them on being "rebels." While the guest of his cousin, Noah Jarvis, he arose early one morning and began his good-natured banter. "Colonel," interrupted Noah, who was almost an idolater of Washington, "do you ever take a morning 'bitter':" "No," replied the colonel, "not as a regular thing, but on this particular occasion I shall be gratified to join my esteemed cousin in a friendly libation." Noah led him into the parlor. Hanging between the windows, in the place of honor on the wall, elegantly framed and in large, bold letters, was the Declaration of Independence. Pointing his finger at it he chuckled: "There, my royal cousin, I think is a dram bitter enough for you!" The colonel looked at it and then retorted: "You rebel!" Colonel Jarvis' manuscript, as stated in the introductory to the first installment, is the remarkable story of an American in the British ranks during the American Revolution and is probably the most important documentary evidence of its kind in existence. The first part was presented in the preceding issue of this journal and covered the first years of the Revolution, leaving Jarvis near Charleston (which he frequently writes Charlestown), South Carolina. The great story is concluded in these pages, just as he told it, preserving his quaint orthography. We proceeded as far as the Combahee (South Carolina) River. This was a foraging party to procure rice, etc., for the hospitals, and after completing the object intended we commenced our march back and we halted at Colonel Haines' Plantation the night after he was brought home and buried in his garden. I saw his grave. In the afternoon of the next day we left his plantation, and as we had got intelligence that General Marion was collecting a body of Troops to give us annoyance on our route, the order of march was changed, the Infantry and Artillery in front, and the Cavalry in the rear. We marched in this order until we came to a long swamp, a mile or so from Parker's Ferry, when we herd some few shots in front, and Major Fraser ordered the Cavalry to advance, and seeing some Troops at a long distance off, and supposing them to be the enemy, charged over this long causeway and fell into an ambuscade, laid by the enemy, and we received the most galling fire ever Troops experienced. An American Fighting His Brothers for Conscience' Sake We only saw the flash of the pieces the enemy was so complete hid from our view, and we had only to push forward men and horses falling before and behind. We lost one hundred twenty-five killed and a great many wounded, and the enemy retired without the loss of a man. All our Artillery were killed or wounded before they could bring their guns to bear upon the enemy -- we halted at Parker's Ferry that night, dropped our wounded, and the next morning collected our dead and buried them, and then proceeded on our route until we reached Dorchester without any molestation from the enemy. The day after our arrival at Dorchester, Major Fraser went to Charleston, South Carolina, to make a report of our sad disaster, and her returned at midnight with the news of the battle at the Eretan Springs, and we were ordered immediately to mount and march. We passed Monks' Corner during the day, and after marching all night came up with the Army, where they had made a halt after burrying their dead at the Eretans. The Army retired as far as Monks' corner for some time sending out patrols far beyond the Eretans. The Americans, after the British retired from the field of battle, came and buried their dead and then retired to invest one other outpost, but our people had abandoned it, and joined the Army, which became so reduced that we were obliged to retreat, and in moving from Monks' Corner and crossing Goose Creek we took the route to Dorchester, and encamped at Sir James Wright's Plantation, a few miles this side of Dorchester. We had hardy taken up our ground before some of our Militia from Dorchester came running into Camp, some of them much wounded. A large body of the enemy had charged into Dorchester and surprised the Militia and retired again some miles from Dorchester. Waging the Revolution in the States of the South The Cavalry was ordered to march, and we proceeded to Dorchester. I was ordered with two Dragoons and a few Militia forward in order to decoy the enemy, and bring them on, whilst Major Fraser, with the Cavalry well disposed for an attack, kept some distance in my rear. The Americans, who were ignorant of our Army being in that neighborhood, had the same design with myself, and made several feint charges, and then retired until they had drawn me a sufficient distance to make a successful charge. They had a body of Infantry in their rear. They at last charged me in earnest. I retreated and made the signal to Major Fraser. He advanced and met the enemy, who pulled up their horses within a very short distance, when Major Fraser gave the word and we dashed in among them, and slashing work we made great havoc amongst them, cutting them down and taking many prisoners -- an Officer in his retreat took a foot-path that foot-passengers use in that hot country, and there is a row of trees between that and the main road. I pursued this Officer and had got so near as to touch his horse with the point of my sword. I saw their Infantry with trailed arms endeavoring to flank us. I wheeled about and called to Major Fraser, giving him this information, who ordered the Troops to retire, which we did with the loss of only one man, he, poor fellow, was hung the next morning as a deserter from their Army. As we had no Infantry to support us, we were obliged to retire, which we did with a good many prisoners -- how many we killed is uncertain -- certainly several. Cavalry Charge against Fellow Countrymen as "Enemies" The next day the Army retired below the Quarter House, and this was our outpost. In a short time after this a Captain Armstrong of the American Army, took a Captain Keen of ours with his whole Patrol. This gave him a degree of temerity, and caused him to fall into our hands. He one day drove in our Sentinels at our out piquet. Major Coffin, who had been attached to our Regiment, with his mounted Infantry of the York Volunteers, was on this day our Commanding Officer -- we pursued the enemy for some time on the Dorchester road, but not falling in with them, we crossed the country over the road leading to Goose Creek. The Troops commanded by Captain Campbell was in the rear, and observing some Troops following our track, and dressed in dark jackets, like those of the York Volunteers, I rode forward and asked Major Coffin if he had detached any of his Troops from the squadron. He replied, "No." Then Sir it is the enemy, and they are close by in our rear. We wheeled about and this brought Captain Campbell's Troop in front of the squadron. The enemy formed and for a few seconds seemed disposed to give battle, but soon wheeled and fled. We pursued them in full charge; we had them between us and Charleston, on a fine level road that would admit of about eight horses abreast. We charged the best horse foremost, and I soon led the charge, no horse could run with mine. "If You Touch this Prisoner I'll Blow Your Brains Out!" In the distance of about a mile the Commanding Officer of the enemy's (Armstrong) horse plunging into a stone in the middle of the road fell and threw his rider over his head. I had hold of him in an instant, he asked quarters; I gave it him, and asked his name. He said, "Armstrong." Give me your hand Captain Armstrong, I'll protect you, and took him back to the rear. Some of our men made a blow at him, and one came near taking off his scalp. I drew my pistol and said, "If you touch the prisoner I'll blow your brains out." I took him and delivered him to the Officer of the rear guard, and reported him to Major Coffin, and then again pursued the enemy, and soon gained the head of our Troops. By this time the enemy had taken the woods and endeavored to gain the road to Dorchester, separating themselves as much as possible from each other. I saw two Dragoons at some distance in front, and I said to Captain Campbell, "Now, Sir, if your horse can run with mine, and he holds his speed, we will take those two fellows," and we set off in full speed, and I soon left him in the rear, and did not halt until I had taken one of the two. The others made their escape, and here we gave up the chase, and returned to Camp with our prisoners. I think altogether eight, and one was killed by an Officer,whose name was Walker of the New York Volunteers, after he had been make prisoner by one of our Regiment, and gave in charge to his servant. We proceeded to our station and took Captain Armstrong to our mess for refreshment -- by the time we had arrived at our quarters, the enemy had escaped had reached their encampment, for at this time the Armies were not a great distance apart, and the American Officers in making their report to their Commanding Officer, represented that Captain Armstrong, when he fell into our hands was treated in the most cruel manner, and described the Officer so very distinctly that Captain Keen of ours, then a prisoner and dining at the table, knew it was me who they had described and who said, "he was sure there must be some mistake as he knew the Officer they had described was too much of a soldier and a man of honor to be guilty of so base a transaction." They still persisted that they saw it, and vouched for the truth of their assertion. The result ws that a flag of truce was dispatched immediately to enquire of Captain Armstrong himself the truth of their assertion, and this flag and a letter to Captain Armstrong was handed to him before we had dined, and as he read the contents smiled, which induced us, or some of us to ask if he was so soon to be exchanged. "Not such good luck, but as it is in some measure concerning the officer who took me prisoner, I will read the communication," which was similar as above stated, and to which he sent the following answer, which he read before he closed his letter. "Sir, it has become my misfortune this day to become a prisoner to the British arms, and I am indebted to the Officer who made me prisoner for my life, and I am not a little astonished that those gentlemen should have presumed to have given you any correct information, as they were so far out of the line of their duty as to know anything of the circumstance." More to come. Transcribed by Anne Sennish >From The Journal of American History, 1st volume, 4th number Published by the Associated Publishers of American Records, Inc. in the Ancient Municipality of New Haven, Commonwealth of Connecticut, in Quarterly Art Editions, four books to the volume at Two Dollars annually, Fifty Cents a copy. Compiled in Collaboration with the Connecticut Magazine Protected by copyright and Printed from press of the Dorman Lithographing Company Publication entered at the Post Office at New Haven as mail matter of the second class Nineteen Hundred and Seven Found in an old magazine which had belonged to my grandfather. I think we had some of this story on the List not long ago. Regret not having the first installment! Anne

Hi List, The following two cousins fought in the American War of Independence on opposing sides. AMOS SPRING (1752-1814) born Otis, Berkshire County, Massachusetts. Served with Stebbin's Company, Brewer's Regiment during the American War of Independence. and THOMAS SPRINGETT born 1760 at Great Henney, Essex, England. Served with 44th Regiment of Foot from about 1776 to 1799 (served as Regimental Paymaster Sergeant). They were 5th cousins twice removed. I know that the 44th Regiment of Foot (East Kent Regiment) served in various campaigns as laid out at the end of this message. What I would like to know is at what campaigns did Stebbin's Company of Brewer's Regiment serve and the dates of these campaigns. 1776 Halifax, Nova Scotia Light Infantry Company (3 Officers and 54 Other Ranks) detached to Charleston Expedition, returning afterwards to New York. New York Campaign. Long Island - 1 Officer, 10 Rank and File killed; 2 Officers, 18 Rank and File wounded White Plains 1777 Philadelphia Campaign. Danbury - 3 Rank and File killed; 1 Officer, 15 Rank and file wounded Brandywine Paoli Germantown - 5 Rank and File killed; 1 Officer, 32 Rank and File wounded 1778 New York Garrison. Monmouth Court House - 1 Officer killed, 1 Officer wounded Bedford Best wishes, Brian Bristol UK http://www.familytreemaker.com/users/j/o/n/Brian-Jones/

Hi Bob, There was no Quaker Calendar system, they used the same calendar as the rest of the British Empire. The only distinction they made was that they didn't use the name of the days or the months. I haven't seen any evidence that London Yearly Meeting provided any instruction on the calendar charge nor would they have to, the guys in the new world were just as smart as the guys in the old world. It was pretty simple really, one day it was Sept. 2, the next day was Sept. 13, 1752. Now there was only one start of the new year instead of two. The rest wouldn't change. I know there were some complaints from those who's religion taught that God had already recorded their date of death, they thought Parliment had stolen 11 days of their lives. Calendar changes were implimented by country. Its my understanding that the calendar in Scotland and Cornwall would be the same as the calendar in London and Philadelphia since this was determined by Parliment. One interesting note, Napoleon won a major battle because the Russians were the last to change calendars and were 11 days late in meeting their British allies. I'll look for the article you mentioned but I'll be surprised if a meeting in New York was writing to London for instruction, they most certainly would have looked to their monthly or yearly meeting. Jim RC Brooks wrote: > > > The calendar change was an act of the British Parliment > > and had nothing to do with London Yearly Meeting, it > > impacted all British colonies and all religions. > > Jim, my objective in making the original posting was to illustrate the > London Meeting's involvement in the calendar used by Quakers in America. > The Quaker calendar system would have been completely out of alignment with > the Parliamentary Act, if the London Meeting had not interceded by supplying > directions to the colonial meetings, therefore, I disagree with your > statement: "...had nothing to do with London Yearly Meeting...." > > RootsWeb.com is a genealogical website and knowledge of what calendar is > being used is being used is required by every genealogist in order to > correctly interpret records of all religions. How else is one to know that > a Cornish member of the Church of England would write a date as January > 25th, 1725, a Presbyterian in Scotland, would record the date as January > 25th, 1726, a Catholic in France would record the date as February 5th, > 1726, and a Quaker in America would write the date as 25th day, 11th month, > 1725 --- and all are speaking of the same day? > > As I wrote, the details are found in "Poor Rchard's Almanack" for 1752. > This can be found in most university and major municipal libraries as > microfilm of the original [Evans no. 6670]. The 1733 thru 1758 editions > were reprinted in photofacsimile in the 1960s. The full title of the > specific issue of interest is: _ Poor Richard improved: being an almanack > and ephemeris ... for the year of our Lord 1752 : ... Fitted to the latitude > of forty degrees, and a meridian of near five hours west from London; but > may, without sensible error, serve all the northern colonies._ ( > Philadelphia: : Printed and sold by B. Franklin, and D. Hall., [1751] ). > > >From memory now -- I recall that the National Genealogical Society in one of > its quarterly journals in 1999 had a short article which included a > transcription of the order from London as recorded in the meeting records of > a local meeting -- somewhere in Pennsylvania or New York, if my memory > serves. > > Bob Brooks

> The calendar change was an act of the British Parliment > and had nothing to do with London Yearly Meeting, it > impacted all British colonies and all religions. Jim, my objective in making the original posting was to illustrate the London Meeting's involvement in the calendar used by Quakers in America. The Quaker calendar system would have been completely out of alignment with the Parliamentary Act, if the London Meeting had not interceded by supplying directions to the colonial meetings, therefore, I disagree with your statement: "...had nothing to do with London Yearly Meeting...." RootsWeb.com is a genealogical website and knowledge of what calendar is being used is being used is required by every genealogist in order to correctly interpret records of all religions. How else is one to know that a Cornish member of the Church of England would write a date as January 25th, 1725, a Presbyterian in Scotland, would record the date as January 25th, 1726, a Catholic in France would record the date as February 5th, 1726, and a Quaker in America would write the date as 25th day, 11th month, 1725 --- and all are speaking of the same day? As I wrote, the details are found in "Poor Rchard's Almanack" for 1752. This can be found in most university and major municipal libraries as microfilm of the original [Evans no. 6670]. The 1733 thru 1758 editions were reprinted in photofacsimile in the 1960s. The full title of the specific issue of interest is: _ Poor Richard improved: being an almanack and ephemeris ... for the year of our Lord 1752 : ... Fitted to the latitude of forty degrees, and a meridian of near five hours west from London; but may, without sensible error, serve all the northern colonies._ ( Philadelphia: : Printed and sold by B. Franklin, and D. Hall., [1751] ). >From memory now -- I recall that the National Genealogical Society in one of its quarterly journals in 1999 had a short article which included a transcription of the order from London as recorded in the meeting records of a local meeting -- somewhere in Pennsylvania or New York, if my memory serves. Bob Brooks

The calendar change was an act of the British Parliment and had nothing to do with London Yearly Meeting, it impacted all British colonies and all religions. What was unique about Quakers was their unwillingness to use the names for the days of the week and the names for the months. This Quaker training was well indoctrinated, my great great great grandfather hadn't been a Quaker for 40 years but he still used first day, etc., in the journal he kept. Jim RC Brooks wrote: > > The London Meeting: A example of their directions and it impact on American > genealogists. > > When the British changed from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian calendar > in 1752, the London Meeting dictated to the Quakers as to how to change > their method of calendar keeping. This is described in Ben Franklin's "Poor > Richard's Almanack" for 1752. > > For those not having Ben Franklin's "Poor Richard's Almanack" for 1752 > immediately at hand: > > Before the change, New Years Day was 25 March with 24 March of the same year > following 364 days later (365 days later in leap years); i.e., you went to > bed on 31 Dec 1749 and woke up on 1 Jan 1749 or you went to bed on 24 Mar > 1749 and woke up on 25 Mar 1750. Many records used a double dating system > where the days between 1 Jan and 14 Mar, inclusive, were double dated. This > means you might find that you went to bed on 31 Dec 1749 and woke up on 1 > Jan 1749/50 or you went to bed on 24 Mar 1749/50 and woke up on 25 Mar 1750 > > The Quakers considered the names of some months to be pagan names so the > didn't name the months. In the so-called Quaker system, March was known as > "1st month" until 1752 when, in accordance with the directions from London, > January became "1st month." Therefore "10th day, 2nd month, 1755" was NOT > the fifth anniversary of "10th day, 2nd month, 1750." > > "10th day, 2nd month, 1750" was 10 June 1750 (o.s.) or 21 June 1750 (n.s.) > whereas "10th day, 2nd month, 1755" was 10 Feb 1755. > > In accordance with the rest of the British subjects, the 4th through 13th > days of the ninth month of 1752 were omitted from the Quaker calendar. > > Incidently, some towns used the so-called Quaker method of dating in the > town records well into the 19th century. One such example is Malden, > Massachusetts. > > Don't blame me if you are now confused, blame the London Meeting -- it was > their version of the new law. > > Bob Brooks > > ==== AMERICAN-REVOLUTION Mailing List ==== > > ============================== > Shop Ancestry - Everything you need to Discover, Preserve & Celebrate > your heritage! > http://shop.myfamily.com/ancestrycatalog

The London Meeting: A example of their directions and it impact on American genealogists. When the British changed from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian calendar in 1752, the London Meeting dictated to the Quakers as to how to change their method of calendar keeping. This is described in Ben Franklin's "Poor Richard's Almanack" for 1752. For those not having Ben Franklin's "Poor Richard's Almanack" for 1752 immediately at hand: Before the change, New Years Day was 25 March with 24 March of the same year following 364 days later (365 days later in leap years); i.e., you went to bed on 31 Dec 1749 and woke up on 1 Jan 1749 or you went to bed on 24 Mar 1749 and woke up on 25 Mar 1750. Many records used a double dating system where the days between 1 Jan and 14 Mar, inclusive, were double dated. This means you might find that you went to bed on 31 Dec 1749 and woke up on 1 Jan 1749/50 or you went to bed on 24 Mar 1749/50 and woke up on 25 Mar 1750 The Quakers considered the names of some months to be pagan names so the didn't name the months. In the so-called Quaker system, March was known as "1st month" until 1752 when, in accordance with the directions from London, January became "1st month." Therefore "10th day, 2nd month, 1755" was NOT the fifth anniversary of "10th day, 2nd month, 1750." "10th day, 2nd month, 1750" was 10 June 1750 (o.s.) or 21 June 1750 (n.s.) whereas "10th day, 2nd month, 1755" was 10 Feb 1755. In accordance with the rest of the British subjects, the 4th through 13th days of the ninth month of 1752 were omitted from the Quaker calendar. Incidently, some towns used the so-called Quaker method of dating in the town records well into the 19th century. One such example is Malden, Massachusetts. Don't blame me if you are now confused, blame the London Meeting -- it was their version of the new law. Bob Brooks

According to D. Elton Trueblood in "The People Called Quakers", "A yearly meeting is a unit which refers to a still larger area and which constitutes the major legistative and administrative body among Friends." (p. 286) There is no reference to London in this statement. In fact the statement is a little misleading since issues come bottom up in Quaker organizations, issues usually develop at the lower levels and move up to the Yearly Meeting. For example, a protest against slavery was sent up by the Germantown meeting in 1688, it wasn't until 1775 that the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting issued an injunction against its members owning slaves. Quakers don't use majority rule, the new ruling has to have a consensus among the body (the yearly meeting for example), if not then the clerk was expected to table the matter until a consensus is achieved. The 1828 Hicksite separation was nothing more than a brawl between two groups in Philadelphia Yearly Meeting. I"ve seen a journal written by one of my ancestors (original at the Friends Historical Library at Swarthmore College) about it, he chronicals the day to day events of its beginnings. Hicksites would lock out Orthodox Friends or vice versa. It was a spontaneous outburst of resentment that had nothing to do with religion, it had to do with how friends interacted with the rest of the world. London Yearly Meeting had nothing to do with it and neither the Hicksites nor the Orthodox Friends needed the approval of London. >I don't agree with the range of influence.. The London Mother Meeting did > establish the current Quaker cultural definition of the era. Even the later > Quaker split of 1828 had to be sanctioned by the London Meeting for both > the Orthodox and the Hicksite. The later Gurneyites and Wilburites all > orginated in London as well, or at least from there. > Here is what Franklin said about his mother, the quote is from his autobiography. The fact that Cotton Mather regarded her family as "godly, learned Englishman" speaks for itself. They weren't Quakers. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton Mather in his church history of that country, entitled Magnalia Christi Americana, as 'a godly, learned Englishman," if I remember the words rightly.> >> > His mother was a Quaker, therefore Franklin qualified as a "birth-right" > Quaker. > No, to be a birthright Quaker both parents had to be Quakers. I had an ancestor who was a birthright Quaker, he married Hannah Knorr and was disowned for marrying a non-Quaker. Hannah Knorrs mother, Jemamia Warner was born a Quaker but was disowned when she married Jacob Knorr. She petitioned for readmittance and it was granted. She later petitioned to have one child admitted as a Quaker and it was granted but only that child of hers was considered a Friend. The others could probably have been admitted had they petitioned the meeting. > In Pa. the Penns thought their deal with the King excluded them from English law, they routinely sold land to Germans without requiring them to become citizens, as English law required. By 1730 they scurried to naturalized Germans in order to comply with English law but the issue of oaths never came up. Of course after the revolution the Commonwealth bought out the Penns interest so it didn't matter at that point. > > > Upper Canadian Quakers were also granted the Affirmation by Gov. Gen. > Haldimand, though the formation of the Upper Canadian Legislature of 1792 > remained inconsistent with British Law by omitting the Affirmation. This > wouldn't be rectified until c1830, and not only harmful to Quakers but > other citizens relying on their evidence as witness. No oath, no witness. > > Those that may be researching MA/CT/VT/NY/Upper Canadian Quakers are > welcome to download my Quaker Meeting Map of 1821. It's an Acrobat PDF file > and requires Acrobat Reader 3.0 or greater (free on the web from Adobe). > I've overlayed present day political boundaries to help with geographical > positioning. Map will need to be opened from the launched Acrobat Reader > and then the map will require to be zoomed into at least 400X to be able to > start to read the Meeting names. (Most meetings have indexes for location > of records - but that's another index) > I'll have to check out your index, there were Stokes' who moved to Upper Canada, they were Quakers from Burlington, New Jersey. I don't think their move had anything to do with the Revolution though. Jim

Just saw some books listed on Ebay - thought someone might be interested: Item # 1649337603 THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF'S GUARD, REVOLUTIONARY WAR Item # 1649248851 AN INVENTORY OF MARYLAND STATE PAPERS VOLUME 1. THE ERA OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 1775 - 1789 Item # 1649223125 Soldiers And Sailors Of The Eastern Shore Of Virginia In The Revolutionary War

Thanks Jim, I agree with much you've stated, but a few items I believe need further research. >> Each Yearly Meeting was independent and didn't have to answer to London although they may look to London Yearly Meeting for guidance. << I don't agree with the range of influence.. The London Mother Meeting did establish the current Quaker cultural definition of the era. Even the later Quaker split of 1828 had to be sanctioned by the London Meeting for both the Orthodox and the Hicksite. The later Gurneyites and Wilburites all orginated in London as well, or at least from there. Items of interpretation were up to the local Yearly Meeting, much influenced by the Monthly Meeting recommendation, guided by precepts laid by the London Meeting. >> Ben Franklin was never a Quaker although he was politically aligned with the Quaker Party in Pa. politics << His mother was a Quaker, therefore Franklin qualified as a "birth-right" Quaker. >> in Pa. Quakers would be asked to take an oath which they would affirm rather than swear << Upper Canadian Quakers were also granted the Affirmation by Gov. Gen. Haldimand, though the formation of the Upper Canadian Legislature of 1792 remained inconsistent with British Law by omitting the Affirmation. This wouldn't be rectified until c1830, and not only harmful to Quakers but other citizens relying on their evidence as witness. No oath, no witness. Those that may be researching MA/CT/VT/NY/Upper Canadian Quakers are welcome to download my Quaker Meeting Map of 1821. It's an Acrobat PDF file and requires Acrobat Reader 3.0 or greater (free on the web from Adobe). I've overlayed present day political boundaries to help with geographical positioning. Map will need to be opened from the launched Acrobat Reader and then the map will require to be zoomed into at least 400X to be able to start to read the Meeting names. (Most meetings have indexes for location of records - but that's another index) http://www.interlog.com/~mmccombs/QkrPDF/QkrPDF.html To activate download to your hardrive, IBMs: right mouse button click and select save file as... MACs: Option key and mouse click to activate save as function... Best of Luck Murray McCombs

Jesse Irish and all of his relatives were observant Quakers generations before, during and after this episode.  The progenitor, John Irish,  came in 1629.  His family became Quakers during the early years of the colonies and only married women from noted Quaker families.  Jesse Irish and his family were at the Nine Partners Meeting in Dutchess County New York before moving to Danby. There are records online to that effect in the USGenweb site for Dutchess County. However the Irish family has a well documented Quaker family tree. In my line Peter's grandson, Daniel, married a Methodist while still referring to himself as Friend throughout his life.  He fought in the War of 1812 for Canada. Most people who are removed would not continue to call themselves "Friend" I do not know more one way or another and have just begun to search his records. Interestingly Daniel's grandson came to fight in the Civil War and referred to his family as Canadian Quakers even though he was not. He told his grandchildren that his family was more like Pennsylvania Dutch than anything he knew in this county. I mention this just to give some insights into the actual character of the family as it passed through the generations. Jesse and his family were not on the fringe of their religion. It is the snapshot of time during the Revolution that is of interest. Lynn